Income and expenditure of the Communist Party Australia (Victoria Branch?) from 1915-1954. Includes memberships/affiliations. Wikipedia (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_Australia) describes the Party as originating in 1920 although the beginning of these records precedes that date by five years. It is also noted that the party officially dissolved in 1992, although the record held ceases at 1954 when the funds were transferred to Building Trades Federation Trust Account. The records are contemporaneous with Robert Menzies' attempted ban of the Party in 1951. The records cease in 1954 which was a time of active paranoia in Australia about Communism. The Labor Party split happened in 1955 leading to the formation of the Democratic Labor Party (a party describing itself at anti-communist).Politics and government. Financial records keeping - Communist Party of Australia.Book; 191 pages. Cover: brown background; gold lettering; title ("Cash Book"). Loose pages - account balances, Commonwealth Trading Bank of Australia, Victoria Street, Melbourne.Preliminary pages, in pencil: "Relief Fund see page 47".btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, communist party australia, cpa, politics and government, financial records, democratic labor party, australian labor party, communism

McCarthy, JUSTIN, Irish politician, journalist, novelist, and historian, b. at Cork, November 22, 1830; d. at Folkestone, England, June 24, 1912. He was the son of Michael McCarthy, and was educated at a private school in his native city. At the age of eighteen he obtained a position on the literary staff of the "Cork Examiner". In 1853 he went to Liverpool as a journalist; in 1860 became Parliamentary reporter of the London "Morning Star", which he edited later (1864-68). From 1868 till 1871 he lectured with great success throughout the United States of America and was one of the assistant editors of the New York "Independent". On his return to England he contributed frequently to the "Nineteenth Century", the "Fortnightly Review", and the "Contemporary Review", and for many years was leader writer for the London "Daily News". From 1879 till 1896 he was a member of the British Parliament, representing the Irish constituencies of County Longford, Derry City, and North Longford. In November, 1880, he joined the Irish Land League, which won so many victories for the Catholic peasantry; two years later he became chairman of the National Land and Labor League of Great Britain. In 1886 he revisited the United States. From 1890 till 1896 he was chairman of the Irish Parliamentary party in succession to Parnell, having previously been vice-chairman for many years. His courtesy and moderation won him the respect of all parties in Parliament. Though participating so actively in the political life of Ireland, McCarthy took more interest in letters than in politics. His first novel, "The Waterdale Neighbors", appeared in 1867, and was followed by about twenty others, many of which are still popular. Of these the chief are: "Dear Lady Disdain" (1875); "A Fair Saxon" (1873); "Miss Misanthrope" (1877) and "The Dictator" (1893). Other publications were: "Con Amore", a volume of essays (1868), and biographies of Sir Robert Peel (1891), Leo XIII (1896), and Gladstone (1897). McCarthy's popularity as a writer depends rather on his historical writings, which are always lucid, forceful, and wonderfully free from party spirit. Of these works the most important are: "History of our own Times" (7 vols., London, 1879-1905), dealing with the events from the year 1830 to the death of Queen Victoria and supplemented by "Reminiscences of an Irishman" (1899); "A short History of our own Times" (1888); "The Epoch of Reform, 1830-1850" (London, 1874); "History of the Four Georges" (4 vols., 1884-1901), of which vols. 3 and 4 were written in collaboration with his son, Justin Huntly McCarthy well-known as a novelist and play-writer; "Ireland and her Story" (1903); "Modern England" (1899); "Rome in Ireland" (1904). Failing health and old age could not induce McCarthy to lay down his pen, and even as late as November, 1911, he published his "Irish Recollections", describing with his wonted charm the events of his earlier life. He was an ardent advocate of Catholic rights, and, though he had been indifferent for many years, in his old age he returned to the practices of his religion. A.A. MACERLEAN [http://oce.catholic.com/index.php?title=Justin_McCarthy, accessed 3/12/2013]Image of a bearded man wearing glasses. He is Justin McCarthy, M.P.ballarat irish, justin mccarthy, cork

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

Political pamphlet, published by the Australian Labor Party for the Saturday May 30, 1970 state election titled "Ballarat Must Retain its Public Transport". Printed in red ink on off white art paper, features Ballarat 42 crossing Albert St Sebastopol. Gives quotes from Liberal members supportive of private transport in Ballarat. On rear gives five points of the Labor party why private transport should be kept, and photos of the candidates for Ballarat South (Ted Cullen), Ballarat Province (The Hon Jack Jones) and Ballarat North (Kevin Flynn). See Alan Bradley, Trams of the Golden City - from the draft - "During the campaign for the State election of May 30, 1970 the Labor Party and tramways union campaigned for the retention of “public transport” by voting labor. But the Bolte Government was returned, all four Ballarat Liberal members held their seats, and most importantly the Government won a majority in the Upper House." trams, tramways, ballarat, public transport, elections, alp, labor party

Political Flyer for R.H.S. Abbott detailing his promises if elected at the election to be held on Thursday November 26th. 1914. Mr. Abbott was running in the electoral district of Rodney. The three candidates for the division of Rodney were: Hugh McKenzie for the Liberal Party, Andrew White for Labor and Richard Abbott as Independent. the results gave Mr. McKenzie 3575 votes (50.3%), Mr. White 3149 votes (44.3%) and Mr. Abbott 385 votes (5.4%). The two parties-preferred results saw Mr. McKenzie elected on 54.7% of the votes.election, abbott

Forty-two pages of a typewritten document outlining the policies of the National Country Party of Australia. Authorised on behalf of the Federal Council of the National Country Party of Australia by the Hon. L.A. Solomons M.L.C. Part of the Aileen and John Ellison collection. country party, policies, politics, federal

Item of family crockery donated by a Jean Woollard, KHS member, and Kew resident. Her family, residents of Kew since the 1860s, was highly involved in the political life of Kew. William Woollard was a councillor and mayor while Herbert Woollard was also a councillor and a member of the local Labor Party BranchGlazed earthenware tea cup, saucer and plate with transfer printed decoration, using the 'Hawthornden' pattern by Ridgways. The underneath of each item bears the maker's mark and a pattern registration date for April 1880.dinnerware, ridgways (1879-1920), earthernware, staffordshire ceramics, hawthornden pattern - reg. april 1880

Australia : Women's Section, Liberal Party of Australia, Victorian Division, c1996 viii, 172 pages : illustrations ; 22 cm. non-fictionliberal party of australia. victorial division. women's section -- history., women -- political activity -- victoria -- history.

A search of the Dictionary of Biography returned the names of thirty-two individuals with a connection to Kew, who were claimed to be supporters, members or opponents of the Communist Party of Australia. Some were only linked to communism by reputation. The historian, Geoffrey Serle, in the entry on Vance Palmer (1885-1959) wrote that: ‘From 1942 he was a member of the Commonwealth Literary Fund's advisory committee and from 1947 to 1953 chairman; he suffered despicable allegations that he was a communist’ (Serle, 1988). Serle also noted that Palmer, a liberal socialist of the broad left, was defended by R.G. Menzies. Others were linked through marriage. Gwendolyn Kent Hughes (1889-1965), the third daughter of Wilfred Kent Hughes, was married to Victor Reginald Lloyd (1895-1964) in 1930 in Holy Trinity Church. Lloyd ‘... had strong ties to the trade union movement and belonged to the Communist Party of Australia’ (Barbara Falk, 2000).Single page flyer used in a City of Kew election for Studley Ward protesting about Rate Increases in the Ward. The Society has only one item of this communist legacy in its files. It is an undated electoral tract, appropriately printed on red paper, advising electors in a local government election to vote against rate rises in Studley Ward. communist party of australia -- kew (vic.), political flyers -- kew (vic.)

In recognition of the support from various Qld senate parties, the Royal Blind Foundation of Queensland named a meeting room in their honour at the Kent Street offices.Digital image of gold coloured plaque with brown writing"The Senatorial Suite" In a display of genuine unity, Queensland's 12 senators of four political persuasions contributed equally toward part of the cost of the 1990 restoration of our premises. This is, in all likelihood, the first occasion in our nations history of such a unified act of giving of this kind. This room was officially named "The Senatorial Suite" on 20 March 1991 by Qld's longest serving current senator, Senator Mal Coulson.royal blind foundation of queensland, nameplates

J.B. Reid was born in Scotland and ran a general store in Tarnagulla for some time until it burned down in the early 1950s. Was member and President of Shire of Bet Bet and on Dunolly Hospital Committee for many years. He later entered state politics and was Treasurer of the Victorian Country Party. Donald Clark Collection.A newspaper clipping from The Countryman newspaper, of June 13th, 1957, article titled 'Party Shocked By Death Of Mr J.B. Reid'. Mentions Allan Brownbill, Jas. Fotheringham, Jas. Allan, Dr. John Lewis and Donald Clark. tarnagulla, people, j.b. reid, politics, governance, stores, deaths, obituaries, funerals

Campaign material for the Victorian Labor Party ahead of the 2002 Victorian State Election, campaigning for Bronwyn Pike in the seat of Melbourne. Education and health polled as key issues ahead of the election. Labor comfortably won the election, gaining 20 seats, returning Steve Bracks as Premier. Robert Doyle was the opposition leader. Despite a heavy loss and lacking popularity with the Victorian community, Doyle continued as opposition leader following the election.Double-sided square white coaster with blue and red text. Printed on front with Australian Labor Party logo and authorisation, along with the following text: 'BRACKS LABOR healthy meal ♢ more nurses ♢ more teachers ♢ more police ♢ more jobs ♢ more services ♢ decent government Bronwyn Pike MELBOURNE' Printed on rear with blue decorative border and the following text: 'LIBERAL DOYLE-Y ♢ take away schools ♢ take away nurses ♢ take away jobs ♢ take away services ♢ take away democracy'Signed in blue pen by Steve Bracks, the 44th Premier of Victoria (1999-2007). Stained on bottom corner. Printed by BR Printing, 30 Albermarle St, Kensington, Victoria.victoria, election, campaign, education, health, politics, labor party, state politics, 2002 state election, steve bracks, robert doyle, nurses, nursing