The Hanro company was established in Switzerland in 1884. In 1926 a site in Hargreaves Street Bendigo, behind the School of Mines, was purchased to establish the Bendigo Knitting Mills, a subsidiary of Hanro. The managing director was Charles Handerchin who came from Switzerland. The company was delisted from the Australian Stock Exchange in 1963 when it was taken over by John Brown Industries.Hanro Autumn-Winter Catalogue 1963: On card with a lime green background and in black ink is white autumn leaves scattered across the page. Off to the left is a sketch of a lady in a dressing gown that has long sleeves with ruffled edges, draw in the waist with a ribbon decorative bodice with flowers and a collar. On the left in a star shaped banner printed in white on a black back ground is *Hanro*. On the right is *1963 Autumn-Winter Catalogue. Swiss Inspired Lingerie. The catalogue is of gloss paper with advertising inside the first page. Each page has sketches of ladies in nightgowns, night dressers, Pyjamas, Vests, Panties, Spencers and Children's wear. Each item has an item number, description, size and colour. On the back cover of lime green back ground is white autumn leaves scattered around. In a white star shaped banner is *Hanro in black print and to the side (Aust) Knitting Mills Ltd. Underneath is the sales offices addressed and phone numbers in each state.. At the bottom is *The Quality is a Proud Tradition*. Box 116ACambridge Press, Bendigobook, magazine, catalogue, hanro. catalogue. cambridge press, bendigo

The International Committee of the Red Cross was formed in 1862. Initially its purpose was to try and find ways of overcoming the inadequacy of army medical services so as to alleviate the suffering of those wounded in armed conflict. Over time it has extended its work to include many forms of humanitarian aid in times of peace and war. The Australian Red Cross Society (ARCS) was formed just after the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914, originally as a branch of the British Red Cross. It is especially remembered in the provision of “comforts” for soldiers overseas. Enormous sums of money were raised, and thousands of women volunteers contributed their time by making vast quantities of clothing: socks, vests, mittens, mufflers, pyjamas and a variety of linen. Items were sent to headquarters located in the state capitals, often using government houses as depots, where, after being sorted and packed by yet more volunteers, they were sent to Britain or the front. The effect of this work for the recipients was to bring comfort in its truest sense, for a seemingly trivial gift of a bar of chocolate of a pair of dry socks could bring the most profound relief for a soldier on the Western Front. From the date of its inception until the armistice the ARCS dispatched 395,695 food parcels and 36,339 clothing parcels Between 1914 and 1918 more than £3,500,00 was collected and spent on Red Cross services to the Australian Forces and Empire Forces. During WW1 and WW2 Red Cross raised funds selling buttons.Early settlers in Moorabbin Shire held fundraising events for the support of Red Cross Victoria and made cakes and knitted socks, gloves and scarves for distribution to serving men and women Metal buttons with printing on themRed Crossred cross, fund raising buttons, wwi, wwii, french red cross, british red cross, market gardeners, early settlers, moorabbin shire, bentleigh, cheltenham, caulfield repatriation hospital

The International Committee of the Red Cross was formed in 1862. Initially its purpose was to try and find ways of overcoming the inadequacy of army medical services so as to alleviate the suffering of those wounded in armed conflict. Over time it has extended its work to include many forms of humanitarian aid in times of peace and war. The Australian Red Cross Society (ARCS) was formed just after the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914, originally as a branch of the British Red Cross. It is especially remembered in the provision of “comforts” for soldiers overseas. Enormous sums of money were raised, and thousands of women volunteers contributed their time by making vast quantities of clothing: socks, vests, mittens, mufflers, pyjamas and a variety of linen. Items were sent to headquarters located in the state capitals, often using government houses as depots, where, after being sorted and packed by yet more volunteers, they were sent to Britain or the front. The effect of this work for the recipients was to bring comfort in its truest sense, for a seemingly trivial gift of a bar of chocolate of a pair of dry socks could bring the most profound relief for a soldier on the Western Front. From the date of its inception until the armistice the ARCS dispatched 395,695 food parcels and 36,339 clothing parcels Between 1914 and 1918 more than £3,500,00 was collected and spent on Red Cross services to the Australian Forces and Empire Forces. During WW1 and WW2 Red Cross raised funds selling buttons.This Carnival was an example of the support given to Red Cross by market gardeners, early settler families and schools in Moorabbin ShireDandenong Red Cross Carnival 1917red cross, dandenong, springvale, chelsea, dingley, keysborough

A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occasions Uniform designed by Wendy Powitt. On the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games donor Doug Pleasance wrote- The 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games saw an evolutionary change in designer selection. A Declaration of Interest Form was communicated to over forty potential designers. The task and especially tight timelines that were involved deterred many aspirants, however, there remained eight designers with the potential we were seeking. These eight designers were paid $3,000 per submission and the winning designer, Wendy Powitt, was paid $15,000. For the first time the judging panel included two athletes, one male swimmer and one female basketballer, their influence was pivotal. The Official Uniform was used for both travel and official functions. This included a tailored blazer and trouser/skirt set (all water repellent) by Fletcher Jones in pure olive green faille fabric by Foster Valley, a cotton PE formal shirt by Pelaco, pure wool knitwear by Spangaro, a printed wool tie by TD Noone, wool nylon socks by Holeproof and footwear by Hush Puppy.8117 .1 - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occasions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for black suit pants and blazer, a yellow shirt with a white collar and a floral printed tie. Two detail drawings appear at the top of the page depicting the Australian emblem in detail as well as the suit jacket and shirt. 8117.2 - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occasions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of black trousers, a yellow button up shirt with a white collar and cuffs and a floral printed tie. Around the main image are three smaller drawings depicting the detail of the trousers, belt clasp and black shoes. 8117.3 - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occasions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of trousers, a green knit, button up vest, a yellow shirt with a white collar and cuffs and a floral printed tie. On this design there is also a small swatch of yellow fabric attached as well as a small detail drawing of the knit vest behind the right shoulder of the man depicted. 8117.4 - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occasions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of trousers, a yellow button up shirt and a printed striped tie. 8117.5 - unnumbered - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occassions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for black suit pants and blazer, a yellow shirt with a white collar and a floral printed tie. Two detail drawings appear at the top of the page depicting the Australian Emblem set on top of stripes in detail as well as the suit jacket and shirt. 8117.6 - A laminated A3 sketchbook page depicting a design for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Men's Official Occassions Uniform. The main drawing shows the design for black shorts and floral button up shirt, belt, lace up shoes with socks and pocket detail.1992 barcelona olympics, sport, athletes, fashion, design, artwork, drawing, uniform

This photograph was captured at an undisclosed location and at an unidentified time but likely dates to approximately 1870. The photographer's details are not recorded and the identities of the men in the image are also not known. This image depicts a group of 10 men in typical miners fashion. Four of them are sat on a large log with one holding a small dog. Six miners stand behind those sitting. All these men are wearing a white button-up shirt and tan coloured work trousers. They wear heavy boots and seven have included a dark vest over their shirt. The man holding the dog has a pipe in his mouth. Two of these men are clean shaven with the remainder sporting a moustache and two with a beard. The ages of these men vary from late 20s to middle age. This group of men are located in a mining location with what appears to be an open cut mine in the background of the image. The ground is muddy and has elements which can help identify it as a mining location based on the condition of the landscape. The bottom of the men's trousers are muddy which provides the assurance that these men were working in this location when their photograph was captured. In the background there is one structure, possibly a dwelling, and bush which identifies the location as Australia. Open cut sluicing is a method used to extract gold and other precious metals from beneath the surface of the earth. This technique involved the use of high-powered hoses which broke down the soil enabling miners to come along and search this soil for gold. After the gold rush of the early 1850s, diggers had to enlist the assistance of heavy machinery and techniques like hydraulic sluicing in order to reach gold because the surface alluvial gold had already been discovered and removed. This heavy machinery was not used until after 1853. The search for gold is ingrained into the history of Victoria and therefore, images like this one which portray an open cut sluicing site can reveal important information for society and technology for the date when the photograph was taken. This image is of important historical significance for its ability to convey information about sluicing and the methods used to find gold in the late 1800s and early 1900s. It also shows a location where sluicing was undertook which provides insight into the impact of sluicing on the environment at a time when it was done. Images, like this one, of Australian gold rush history can reveal important information about the social and environmental impact of this period. This image depicts diggers standing in a mining location and therefore, this image has the capacity to reveal or support significant information for researchers studying the fashion and social status of diggers in Australia in approximately 1870. It can also provide information on the landscape of Australia in this period and the impact of mining for gold on both society and the Australian landscape. The Burke Museum is home to a substantial collection of Australian mining photographs which can be used to gain a deeper understanding into life on the gold fields, technology used in mining, the miners themselves and the impact of the gold digging on the environment.Sepia toned rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper mounted on board.Reverse: 1997.2518mining, goldfields, beechworth, 1870, australia, australian goldfields, diggers, victoria, sluicing, gold mining, miners, diggers victoria

The Smithy job is very important in any town or settlement, horses need shoeing reguarly, and drays, carts and jinkers need their Tires replaced or tightened, also their are many other jobs that they perform.Negative Black white Scanned at 600 dpi. "Smithy Workshop Millgrove" In the immediate and far background is the bush, central to this is the Smithys Workshop, it has a pailing roof and walls, there is a door left front, to the left above the dray wheel is a young man milking a brown and white cow, front left is the dray, with a young boy standing between the dray shafts holding a horse, next is a young Mother with a little girl, next to her is Dad with a hat and apron, he is the Smithy, he is holding a horse still with its yoke on, next is an older man wearing a suit and hat, holding a horse still yoked and harnessed, behind them is another horse near the workshop door, next is a horse yoked and harnessed to another horse and behind that is a sawn load of timber, next to the last horse is a man holding it, he is dressed with a vest and shirt sleeves and hat, at the end of the workshop is a lean-to shed which is probably the dunny, behind the load of timber there is a building with a 4 pane window and making an L shape another building, they appear to be on stumps , roof line is not distinguishable, the horses all seem like "Clydsdales".blacksmith, horses, millgrove, smithy, workshop, shed, cart sandy ross

Picture of a 1930 Blackburn CC team. The picture is taken at the northern end of the oval with the pine trees along the railway line in the background. Twelve players and two other gentlemen in full suits are pictured and there appears to be a mix of young and middle aged men. Two players (front row third from right and second row far right) appear to be wearing the same jumper in full sleeve and vest form respectively while two other players are wearing similar jumpers and another two wearing plain versions. The caps being worn by two gentlemen appear to be identical. Thirteen original signatures and the year are signed on the paper mat to which the picture is glued. The signatures appear to be signed using a fountain pen however another name (David Murray) appears to have been added using a pencil at a later date. Some of the signatures include D Cook, H.M Wilson, G.A Jorgood, C.G Williams, Rliekle, S Mackinlay and L.A Warne. Les Warne played in the 1st XI at Blackburn from 1930 to 1955 and was the captain of the 1938-39 premiership winning team. Les recieved a life membership in 1953.

The Hanro company was established in Switzerland in 1884. In 1926 a site in Hargreaves Street Bendigo, behind the School of Mines, was purchased to establish the Bendigo Knitting Mills, a subsidiary of Hanro. The managing director was Charles Handerchin who came from Switzerland. The company was delisted from the Australian Stock Exchange in 1963 when it was taken over by John Brown Industries.Hanro Spring-Summer Catalogue 1962: The cover is of card with a white background and black, green and mauve print. Printed on the cover in black is *Hanro* Spring-Summer Catalogue 1962* To the left is green leaves with mauve wild flowers on two stems and to the right side corner is also green leaves and two stems of mauve wild flowers. Underneath in mauve print is *lovely lingerie featuring Australia's beautiful wildflowers. Inside the cover is advertising the line. Inside the catalogue on white gloss paper are sketches of ladies wearing matching Negligee/Night set, night wear, Pyjamas, Petticoats, Vests Briefs, scanties', Panties, Bed Jackets, half slips, house coats and spencers. Each item has a number, description, size and colour. The back page has advertising. A green paper sheet has been inserted with the retail selling price list with item number size range and price. Over the page has the trade price, item number size etc. On the back cover on a white background is a box with a back border and *Hanro* printed inside along with the Sales Office, address and phone number in each State. Box 116ACambridge Press, Bendigobook, magazine, catalogue, hanro. catalogue. cambridge press, bendigo

This digital image is taken at the time of the opening of the 'Annie Dane Ward' in the Melbourne District Nursing Society After-Care Hospital. Mrs. G. G. Henderson is the Society's President. She is receiving a Centenary gift, a cheque of 500 pounds, from Mrs. Robert Hunter, on behalf of Mr. John Stephenson Dane. Mr. Edgar, M.L.C,. officially designated the Ward and The Rev. A. T. Holden, President-General of the Methodist Church of Australasia, dedicated the Ward. The portrait of Mrs. Annie Dane hangs above the fireplace in the Ward.The Melbourne District Nursing Society, (MDNS), built the After-Care Home in 1926. The Home was extended and the name changed to Melbourne District Nursing Society and After-Care Hospital in 1934. It was situated at 45 Victoria Parade, Collingwood and various Wards were named after donors or patrons of MDNS After Care. Patients of the Society who needed more care than could be given at home, but did not need hospitalization, were admitted to the After Care, along with many patients from Melbourne hospitals who needed further care before going home. Many children were nursed there, some long term, during the Polio epidemic and MDNS employed teachers to give them schooling. In September 1930 an Ante-Natal Clinic was established. In October 1934 a Women's Welfare Clinic was opened to educate women on birth control. This was the first of its kind in Melbourne. The MDNS After Care Hospital was under District's banner until 1956. In 1957 the MDNS and the After-Care separated with the Government taking over the running of the After-Care. Melbourne District Nursing Society then became the Melbourne District Nursing Service and, after Royal patronage, became Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS).In the centre of this digital image, and on the left of the group, is Mrs. G. G. Henderson, who is wearing a black hat over her short grey curled hair and a black coat with fur collar and cuffs over a white top. She has a and white broach attached to the collar of the coat. She is side-on looking to her right facing Mrs. Robert Hunter, who is wearing a small brimmed black hat over short dark curled hair, and is wearing a white blouse, with broach in the centre, and dark skirt under a long dark fur coat with a white broach attached to the collar. She is wearing white gloves and has a small white paper cheque in her right hand which she is handing to Mrs. Henderson. Behind and between Mrs Henderson and Mrs. Hunter, is Mr. Edgar, who has sparse white hair and a white moustache. He is wearing a black three piece suit over a white shirt and dark tie. A watch chain is attached to his vest and a white badge is on the left collar of his jacket. To the right of Mrs Hunter is a Ministers of Religion who has sparse white hair, and is wearing a three piece black suit over a white clerical collar and black 'front piece'. He has a watch chain attached to his vest. To his right is another Minister of Religion, who is wearing a close fitting white cap over his short grey hair and is wearing a dark coat. His white clerical collar and black 'front pierce' are seen; he is holding a brimmed hat in his left hand. Thirteen Sisters, some partly hidden, wearing white uniforms, veils and dark capes are present in two groups; one on the left of the photograph and behind some of the Official party. The other group are to the right behind the last two of the Official party with two Sisters in the right foreground. Next to them, on the far right of the photograph is another Minister of Religion wearing a dark suit, white clerical collar and black 'front piece'. In front of Mrs. Hunter and the first Minister of Religion is a small white wooden table with papers on it. On the rear wall, above the fireplace, hangs a portrait of Mrs. Dane. Part of a vase with foliage is seen to the left of the portrait, and shorter foliage below it. Part of tall foliage is seen on the right hand side of the portrait.melbourne district nursing society, mdns, after- care hospital, annie dane ward, rdns, royal district nursing service, mrs robert hunter, mr edgar - mlc, mrs jessie isabel henderson, rev h.t. holden, mrs annie dane

Vesta cases, also known as match safes, are small boxes that are used to carry matches and keep them safe from the elements. In the early 1800's, it was common to carry matches, since some type of portable fire was needed to light lanterns and stoves. The matches of that day were crude compared to today's standards, and were known to light when making contact with each other, and sometimes even spontaneously. In order to alleviate this potentially hazardous situation, it made good sense to utilize a Vesta case or match safe. One of the more interesting features of the vesta case or match safes is that they almost always include some type of rough or ribbed surface, usually on the bottom of the case that is used for striking the matches. This vesta case is a portable pocket vesta. These cases take their name from the virgin Roman goddess of fire, home, hearth and family. Usually Vesta was depicted as the fire in her temple. Only Vestals (her priestesses) were allowed into her temple. Her association with fire made her name the natural choice for British companies that manufactured matches. The hallmarking of sterling silver is based on a combination of marks that makes possible the identification of origin and age. The town mark identifies the Assay Office where the item was verified. The town mark on this piece is an anchor, so it is from Birmingham, England. The lion passant certifies the silver quality, as at least 925. The maker's mark, identifying the silversmith presenting the piece to the assay office is D&LS for David and Lionel Spiers. The date letter identifies the year the piece was verified, this item was verified in 1885. Lionel Spiers was a significant figure in the Jewellery Quarter and in 1906 was chairman of the Jewellers and Silversmiths Association. The item also has NHILL 1928 engraved on the front, this is likely a recent addition to the piece. Nhill is a town in Victoria so it could be that the previous owner lived here or it was gifted in commemoration. The social history objects held in the Burke Museum's collection help to tell the stories of Beechworth's past by showing the social, cultural, and economic aspects of the town's history.Silver vesta case with ribbed strike plate at the end and an etched design. D&LS/ lion symbol/ anchor symbol/ l/ Sovereign head/ [hallmarks] CHH/ NHILL 1928/ [obverse inscription] A01198/burke museum, silver, vesta, fire, silversmiths

This photograph depicts a large group of men in their work clothing situated in front of a large bank of earth. They are identified as miners working in an unidentified location in Australia. This photograph was taken by photographer Walter Thwaites sometime during the period of 1865-1908, likely c.1870. It is unsure where this image was taken since Thwaites travelled a lot over his photography career and the photograph is not annotated with this information. In addition, the identities of the men in the photograph are also unknown. These men are photographed in front of a large bank of earth where they had presumably been mining for gold or other precious metals. The men, with the exception of four, are wearing wide brimmed hats to protect their faces from the sun. They are also wearing loose fitting white shirts which are often worn beneath a darker coloured vest. They wear pale coloured work pants and boots. The men are mostly clean shaven with the exception of the moustache and a couple of beards. Two of the men have pipes in their mouth. Their clothing is basic and much less dramatic than the outfits worn by the gold diggers of the 1852 gold rush. These men, by wearing similar outfits, are expressing a sense of comradery or equality between them. It is likely that they are from the same, or similar, social status. They have an air of independence and share social equality in their stance and clothing. Walter William McLean Thwaites (1840-1908) was a professional photographer born in Sydney, Australia. He learnt the craft in his father's Hobart studio, but later embarked on his own solo career and toured every existing Australian colony between 1860 to 1888. The Thwaites family were a long line of photographers and artists with Thwaites' father Walter WIlliam Thwaites Sr working as an artist and photographer in Australia after moving from England in 1834. Walter Thwaites Sr's father, also named Walter Thwaites, was a British miniature portrait artist.Images, like this one, of Australian gold rush history can reveal important information about the social and environmental impact of this period. This image depicts over 30 diggers standing in front of a bank of earth and therefore, this image has the capacity to reveal or support significant information for researchers studying the fashion and social status of diggers in Australia in approximately 1870. It can also provide information on the landscape of Australia in this period and the impact of mining for gold on both society and the Australian landscape. The Burke Museum is home to a substantial collection of Australian mining photographs which can be used to gain a deeper understanding into life on the gold fields, technology used in mining, the miners themselves and the impact of the gold digging on the environment.Sepia toned rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper and mounted on board.Reverse: 1997.208 / MINERS. / W. Thwaites / Photography /australia, australian photography, photography, miners, gold rush, australian landscape, diggers, walter thwaites, thwaites photography, w. thwaites photography, social history

Mount Pleasant Primary School 1435 was formerly known as Clayton's Hill, and evolved from a tent school, commenced in 1855 by William McIntosh. When changed from a Wesyleyan day school to a Common School it was given the number 424, received State funding and was conducted by William H. Nicholls. On 01 January 1873 the school became a non-vested school under control of the Education Department until 31 August 1873. The State then leased the school until 31 July 1874, with the current brick school, Mount Pleasant No.1436, opening on 01 August 1874. The Head Teacher of the new school was William H. Nicholls, remained at the school until 1887. His assistants were Thomas Gray, Jane Shaw, Jane Tratham, Catherine J. Berriman, John Blight, Herbert Berchaivaise and Annie Hicks, all who had worked at Mount Pleasant No. 424. William Nicholls and his assistant Gray established after school classes to enable students to gain Exhibitions and Scholarships to matriculate for the University of Melbourne, and courses enabling entry to teaching, pharmacy and civil service. Before the establishment of State Secondary and Technical Educaiton over 100 pupils from Mount Pleasant Primary School has matiriculated and entered the various professions. (Visions and Realisations, Vol. 2, pg 653 and 767) William Henry Williams became the first classifier of teachers for the Victorian Education Department. He died aged 51 while Head Teacher at Yarra Park Primary School on 01 April 1899. Some former students of this school include: J.G. Eagleston (County Court Judge); H.E. Starke (Judge of the High Court of Australia ); Bernard O'Dowd (parliamentary draughtsman and poet); Albert Coates (Surgeon and Medical Officer in Burmese Prisoner of War Camps). Gold was discovered at Caylton's Hill in 1853.Black and white photograph of a primary school in the Ballarat suburb of Mount Pleasant. The brick school is sat on bluestone foundations.mount pleasant primary school, mount pleasant state school, mount pleasant, mt pleasant, education, clayton's hill, bluestone, william h. nicholls, thomas gray, jane shaw, jane tratham, catherine j. berriman, john blight, herbert berchaivaise, annie hicks, albert coates, h.e. starke, j.g. eagleston

Vesta cases, also known as match safes, are small boxes that are used to carry matches and keep them safe from the elements. In the early 1800's, it was common to carry matches, since some type of portable fire was needed to light lanterns and stoves. The matches of that day were crude compared to today's standards, and were known to light when making contact with each other, and sometimes even spontaneously. In order to alleviate this potentially hazardous situation, it made good sense to utilize a vesta case or match safe. One of the more interesting features of the vesta case or match safes is that they almost always include some type of rough or ribbed surface, usually on the bottom of the case that is used for striking the matches. This vesta case is the portable pocket vesta which also has a bale (ring) near the hinge so that they can be suspended from a chain. These cases take their name from the virgin Roman goddess of fire, home, hearth and family. Usually Vesta was depicted as the fire in her temple. Only Vestals (her priestesses) were allowed into her temple. Her association with fire made her name the natural choice for British companies that manufactured matches. The hallmarking of sterling silver is based on a combination of marks that makes possible the identification of origin and age. The town mark identifies the Assay Office where the item was verified. The town mark on this piece, three wheat sheaves and a sword identify Chester, in Cheshire, England as the town of creation. The lion passant guardant certifies the silver quality, as between 925 and 1000. The maker's mark, identifying the silversmith presenting the piece to the assay office is W.N. for William Neale. The date letter identifies the year the piece was verified, this case being verified in 1903. William Neale and Sons was a firm was established by William Neale in 1850 in Birmingham. His mark was entered at the Birmingham assay office in April 1862 and in the Chester assay office in September 1882. The social history objects held in the Burke Museum's collection help to tell the stories of Beechworth's past by showing the social, cultural, and economic aspects of the town's history.A silver vesta case with a ribbed strike plate at the end, a ring to attach the case to a chain and a cover that can be pushed up to open. W.N/ lion symbol/ Three Sheaves of Wheat and Sword/ C/ [hallmarks] A01169/silver, silversmith, burke museum, england, fire, vesta, william neale

Sepia image (copy) picture shows family gathered at base of large tree trunk with door opening. Two small children in doorway, woman holding younger child inside tree, two men either side of image. Both men are wearing suit coats, vests and wearing hats. Straw broom and pots fixed to tree trunk. Man on RH side has an axe to his right. PLEASE NOTE: Letter with photo inquiring about the people in photo, states that the image is that of Peter Tyson, younger brother of James, his wife Margaret Sheil, and their twin daughters, Alice and Harriet. Diary is of accounts with limited text of a written diary on RH wide of sheets. Bookkeeper was Robert Primrose, whose name appears frequently in the book. Further research by Murray Poustie discovered that the photograph may actually be of Nicholas Penny, his wife Eva and their children Charlie, May, George and Nicholas. Also in the photograph on the left is their neighbour, Mr. John Green. The Photograph was taken by Max Lowenhardt when the Penny family was living in the tree at Fumina in 1906-07 following devastating bushfires. Fumina is in timber country at the foot of the Baw Baw Mountains and the area was frequently affected by major bushfires. The photograph was featured on the cover of the Gippsland Heritage Journal No.19, 1996 and is also extensively noted as ''The Penny family's tree home at Fumina'' in other publications including Vision & Realisation.person, receipts

A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting rejected designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Uniforms designed by Wendy Powitt. These designs were rejected during the fabrication process and used at a later time by Doug Pleasance in demonstrations to university/TAFE students.8121.1 - A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting rejected designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Uniforms designed by Wendy Powitt. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of dark green shorts, a yellow and green striped windcheater with a map of Australia in the centre and a brown belt. 8121.2 - A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting rejected designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Uniforms designed by Wendy Powitt. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of yellow trousers, a red and orange shirt with blue cuffs and a map of Australia on the right breast pocket. To the right of the main drawing is a detailed drawing of brown leather shoes. 8121.3 - A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting rejected designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Uniforms designed by Wendy Powitt. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of yellow trousers and a dark green button up shirt. In the top right hand corner there is a smaller depiction of the shirt showing the details. 8121.4 - A set of laminated A3 sketchbook pages depicting rejected designs for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Uniforms designed by Wendy Powitt. The main drawing shows the design for a pair of yellow trousers and a dark green vest with five buttons in the shape of Australia. To the left of the main design are two smaller images, one showing the details of the pants and the other the detail of the buttons.1992 barcelona olympics, sport, athletes, fashion, design, artwork, drawing, uniform

Black and white photograph of a horse tram at the Kew Cemetery terminus with a uniformed MTOC. employee, two horses and the Cemetery buildings in the background. Has Victoria Bridge & Cemetery written on the side of the tram. 2nd copy added with different crop. Photo from the Collection of the Department of Infrastructure now with the Public Records Office - image number H1. Note: this photo is now out of copyright and was not an original VR photograph, but one copied from another source and collected as their Heritage series. From an email from Rod Atkins 29/7/2019: This Stevenson six widow saloon horse tram No 46 is fairly standard. The horse cars did not have wheel skirts like the cable trams 6 and 8 window cars. Sitting at the terminus in High Street at Parkhill Road at the gates of the Boroondara General Cemetery ready for its return trip to Richmond. The tram is being run one man. Note the location of gates, pay as you enter the front step. The driver has a conductors bag around his neck and waist. No conductor present in the photo. His uniform is classic Company issue. He is wearing a Tunic and vest! And early issue cap with a white band. Date: around circa 1900 as the clock tower, brick wall and cast iron fence are all in place and the car number is faded out. I have seen a photo of a tram there with no clock tower from around the opening of the line.Has part of the Department of Infrastructure copy right stamp on rear and number in ink on rear and "1-5"trams, tramways, horse trams, kew, mto co, cemetery, uniforms

R.A.M.C. - Royal Army Medical Corps - British. Uniform issued to "Captain McKenzie". Refer Cat No. 7874.2 and 7876.2.1. Jacket - Mess Dress style. Black and crimson colour wool fabric. Crimson colour fabric on rolled collar and sleeve cuffs. On collar are two gold and silver metal collar badges - crown, snake on pole, laurel wreath and ribbon scroll with lettering "ROYAL ARMY MEDICAL CORPS" British - Tailor made. Shoulder epaulettes - fabric with three tarnished gold, blue and green metal rank pips = Captain. Gold colour buttons with shank, raised emblem and lettering (same as collar badges). Lining - crimson colour body of jacket with concealed internal pocket. Sleeves - white colour cotton fabric. Manufacturers label on white colour cotton fabric, back, inside collar. 2. Vest - crimson colour wool fabric, front two inset pockets and four buttons (as above). Back - crimson colour cotton sateen fabric with strap and brass metal buckle for size adjustment. Lining - cream colour cotton fabric. 3. Trousers - black colour wool fabric with five button fly, fob pocket cream colour cotton lining to waistband and fob pocket. Black colour Bakelite buttons. Two silver colour metal buttons at back. Manufacturers label on white colour cotton label with black ink print and handwritten details - back, inside below waistband lining. 4. & 5. Part of crimson colour wool fabric three 1.5 cm strips on black colour wool fabric backing. These have been removed from a garment.Manufacturers information. 1. & 3. Black ink print 'HOLT 7 SON/Military Tailors/ 20 Sackville Street, PICCADILLY W." Black ink pen, handwritten "T.F.C.. McKenzie/RAMC".captain mckenzie, uniform, ramc, british, ww1, mess dress

Ernest Anderson (head gardener) and Harry (gardener) worked at Williamstown Botanic Gardens. The Anderson family lived in the curators lodge on the grounds in the 1930s. Horses were used at the gardens until the 1960s when the council bought a truck. Mr Biggs drove as Mr Anderson did not have a licence. He rode his bike to the Town Hall every Friday to put in the time sheets. The collection is the only known photos of the Gardens working horses and demonstrates Edwardian Municipal gardening techniques that continued into the 1960s. They are photographic evidence of the planting styles, species choices and structures. Details inscribed on the reverse of some of the photos confirm names of staff at this time. Photo 13 (m) m: Only known photo of Ernest Anderson to be held by the Gardens2013.001.a-l is a collection of 12 small format photographs from the Anderson family album dated from 1917-1936 plus one large image of donor's wedding c1953. Ernest Anderson (head gardener) and Harry (gardener) worked at Williamstown Botanic Gardens. The Anderson family lived in the curators lodge on the grounds in the 1930s. Photo 1 (a) Sepia photo of young girl (Chic Anderson) on horse with no saddle. Two men, with hands on hips, standing alongside wearing hats. All are on a small hill (a compost heap) with a shrub on the left of the image. Photo 2 (b) Young girl and horse standing on the top of a small hill (compost heap). Girl has short hair and is wearing a jumper, skirt and long socks. Horse has no saddle and has its head down as if to eat. Photo 3 (c) Horse and foal standing in a fenced enclosure. Part of yard is paved. Horse has a white blaze and white feet. Foal has white blaze and white legs and is looking up at the horse. Photo 4 (d) Horse pulling a mower. Two men standing with mower. One is holding mower, the other the reins of the horse. Both men are wearing hats, with one wearing a vest. Horse has hessian wrapping on his hooves. Photo 5 (e) Horse and man. Horse has a rope bridle. Man holding bridle and is dressed in trousers, shirt, cardigan and hat. They are in front of a hedge and closed timber gate. Tall palm is in background. Horse is side on to the camera. Photo 6 (f) Man and horse standing in front of hedge and open timber gate. Palms in background. Man wearing trousers, shirt, vest, tie, hat. Trousers look to be tucked into boots. He is looking at the horse. The horse is facing the camera. Photo 7 (g) Three horses looking over a picket fence. All with a white blaze. There is a timber wall with a window to the right of the photograph. A man’s arm holding something is seen on the right of the photo. Photo 8 (h) Large palm tree, understorey of shrubs with two palms in the background. Photo 9 (i) Scene of the Gardens. Path dividing at a conifer tree. Woman in long skirt and hat looking up at the conifer. Different varieties of palm trees with understorey of shrubs. Photo 10 (j) Garden bed of Dahlias surrounded by a wire fence. Palms and other trees in background. Photo 11 (k) Avenue of tall palm trees with under storey of shrubs. Photo has angles cut at top corners and two large crease marks at the bottom right hand corner. Photo 12 (l) Set of cast iron gates – double carriage gates with single pedestrian gates on either side and supported by four cast iron posts with ornamental finials on top. Photo 13 (m) Ernest Anderson and daughter Chic prior to her wedding. Ernest is holding his gloves in his left hand and Chic’s hand with his right. Palms trees in the background. Photo 1 (a) 'Ern & Harry / May 8th 1936' Photo 2 (b) ‘Jack aged 36 / Chic 5 years / (unclear) 1936’ Photo 3 (c) ‘foal born in / back shed’ Photo 4 (d) ‘The Olde Firm / Jack Ernie Harry / 1917’ Photo 6 (f ) ‘Before the / council provided / a truck all / work was done / with the horses’ Photo 7 (g) ‘our work horses’ Photo 9 (i) ‘Panoramic view of Gardens / looking South from Lodge / Wms Town Botanical Gardens / 15-10-17’ Photo 12 (l) ‘Gates Public Gardens’hobsons-bay-city-council, curator, lodge, horse, transport, dahlia, compost, anderson, williamstown, botanic, gardens, williamstown-botanic-gardens, hobsons-bay, hobsons, edwardian, gardening, 1936, 1917,

Photograph captioned 'Golden Square Fire Brigade Dahlia Float at Easter Fair', is one of nine sepia mounted photographs pertaining to early 20th century Bendigo donated to BHS by the Essendon Op Shop. Uncle Son caption and tick possibly relates to W G Dahl. Float mounted upon a hand drawn fire brigade hose & reel cart has two uniformed Fire-men standing beside the cart, along with three kneeling men wearing ties, vests and suits. Float covered in dahlia flowers has sign reading 'Erected by the Committee of the Victorian Gold Jubilee Exhibition Melb 1901-2 in Commemoration of the Discovery of Gold in Bendigo'. Moulded images in white featuring a kneeling boy panning for gold beside a standing young girl in long dress are prominently displayed upon the top portion of the flower covered float. The float stands in Charring Cross in front of the now demolished Horse Bazaar once located between the Lyric Theatre and the City Family Hotel. Ornate brickwork of the building follows the roof-line either side of embossed 'Established 1853'. Two matching arches are featured on front of building. Horse Bazar is embossed in large capital letters above main entrance arch, with Nicholls & Hill above the other. Embossed letters below read succeeded to L Macpherson & Co & F Hill. A small arched window within walled arch matches entrance arch. A notice board mounted on building front reads, Office of the Australian Alliance Assurance Company , Fire Life Guaranteed. Sandhurst agents ,L Macpherson Sternberg & Son.bendigo, fire brigade, golden square

This group and RDNS Sisters are at a meeting at Fawkner Park Community Centre and are listening to the lady on the left who is pointing out information to them.. Liaison had occurred between Doctors and the Trained nurses (Nurses) of the Melbourne District Nursing Society (MDNS), from its inception in 1885. This increased when Midwifery was introduced in August 1893 with close liaising with the Women’s Hospital. As District nursing grew it was recognized that closer liaising between many Public Hospitals and Community Centres would be beneficial, for not only the MDNS, later called Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS) Trained nurses (Sisters), but also for the patients of RDNS and the hospitals. In August 1964 a Liaison Officer commenced at the Alfred Hospital. This soon increased to Liaison Officers working full time at several Public Hospitals. They facilitated the smooth transition from Hospital to home for many patients who required ongoing nursing care. Liaison Sisters regularly attended discharge planning meetings, interviewed prospective patients, co-ordinated discharge and booked the first visit by the visiting RDNS Sister. At the time of a patient’s discharge, the Liaison Sister forwarded information on their diagnosis and instructions regarding the care required at home to the appropriate RDNS Centre, and in turn the attending District Sister wrote a report of progress and any queries to the Hospital Doctor, via the Liaison Sister, at the time the patient was attending outpatients. Any new instructions were then sent back to the District Sister. Liaising also occurred between District Sisters and Doctors when patients were referred by General Practitioners and did not attend a hospital. District Sisters also liaised with personnel attached to Community Centres.This black and white photograph is of a group of two men and five ladies, three of whom are Royal District Nursing (RDNS), Sisters, sitting at a large dark wooden table which has an open folder and papers with diagrams or information on them, Notepads and pens sit in front of several. L-R is a partly hidden man who has short dark hair; wears glasses, a dark suit over a white shirt and dark tie. His left hand is up to his face. Next is another man with short dark hair who wears glasses; has a grey suit, white shirt and patterned tie. His right hand is up to his face. Next is a lady with short curled hair who is wearing a dark patterned and white edged vest over a round neck grey jumper. She is looking at, and holding a pen in her right hand poised over, a sheet of paper with columns and writing on it. Next is an RDNS Sister with collar length dark curled hair, who has her left hand up to the side of her face. Then an RDNS Sister with short straight hair. Next is a lady with her dark hair drawn back and wearing a white jumper; she has her hands up to her chin. Next, and far right, is an RDNS Sister, who has short straight blonde hair and has a pen in her right hand. Her left hand, with a dark watch at the wrist, is up to the side of her face. The group are all looking at the columned information sheet which the lady on the left is pointing out with her pen. The RDNS Sisters are wearing light grey skivvies under dark grey V neck tunic style frocks.Barry Sutton LO 40royal district nursing service, rdns, rdns liaison, rdns uniform

Draft of Indenture made __ day of __ 1940 between William Allen, Nurseryman, Ernest James Andrew, Gentleman, Ronald Walter Bradbury, Medical Practioner, Robert Sutherland Bryan, John Neville Burgoyne, Grocer, James Francis Cresp, Frederick Haines Collis, Grocer, William Hickey, Harold Claude Hutchison, David Andrew Lyon, Garage Proprietior, Albert E. Parsons, James Clyde Rains, News Agent, Eric Nicholl Staff, Store-keeper and William Walker, Plumber all of Eltham in the State of Victoria and Anton William Brinkkotter, Poultry Farmer in the said State and Sidney William Browne, Hotel Proprietor of Lower Plenty and Robert David Taylor, Secretary of Rosanna (the Committee) to appoint John Neville Burgoyne, William Hickey and David Andrew Lyon as Trustees to replace William James Capewell, Ernest James Andrew and George Birchall. William James Capewell, Butcher and Ernest James Andrew, News Agent and both of Eltham and George Harrison were the original Trustees appointed in the Declaration of Trust dated 5 August 1922. George Birchall replaced George Harrison 6 August 1925 but after being absent from the State for more than two years and William James Capewell and Ernest James Andrew desirous of being discharged as Trustees, under the power of appointing new Trustees vested in the Committee, the Committee resolved on 14 November 1935 that Albert Henry Charles Price, Cecil Martin and Albert John Fahle should be Trustees in place of George Birchall, Ernest James Andrew and William James Capewell however the said resolution was never carried into effect and the said writing was never completed. Subsequently in 1940 Albert Henry Charles Price, Cecil Martin and Albert John Fahle each resigned in writing as Trustees even though never appointed and so the Committee appointed John Neville Burgoyne, William Hickey and David Andrew Lyon as Trustees in place of William James Capewell, Ernest James Andrew and George Birchall. Originally purchased in 1856 from Thomas Roberts, Yeoman of Little Eltham, for £10 for use by the Wesleyan Chapel, represented by indentured Trustees, Rev. Barnabas Shaw Walker, Minister of the Pentridge Circuit, Francis Thomas, Farmer of Keelbundora, William Harriman, Blacksmith of Nillumbik, Nicholas Rodda, Farmer of Nillumbik, Aaron Grimshaw, Farmer of Greensborough, Joseph Cooper, Gardener of Keelbundora, Peter Dredge, Scholmaster of Jika Jika and Samuel Jeffrey, Farmer of Jika Jika. Lot 20 of Subdivision of Portion 13, Section 4 of the Parish of Nillumbik in the County of Evelyn was located on the southern side of Henry street in Little Eltham North, where the current Our Lady Help of Christians Catholic Church is situated. It became the location of the Eltham Rechabite Hall. In 1893 a new hall was built and further enlarged in 1919. At the commencement of 1922, the property was purchased from the Independent Order of Rechabites with publicly subscribed funds and a new hall built at a cost of £750 and improved road access constructed to reduce the grade, running from Dudley Street to Henry Street. This hall was eventually replaced with the new Shire Offices and Hall built on the corner of Arthur Street and Main Road, which was opened in 1941. Traces the earliest history of the Eltham Public Hall in Henry Street and the various names, occupations and abodes of the Trustees associated with the propertyalbert e. parsons, albert henry charles price, albert john fahle, anton william brinkkotter, cecil martin, david andrew lyon, eltham public hall, eltham rechabite hall, eltham wesleyan chapel, eric nicholl staff, ernest james andrew, frederick haines collis, george birchall, grocer, harold claude hutchison, henry street, james clyde rains, james francis cresp, john neville burgoyne, robert david taylor, robert sutherland bryan, ronald walter bradbury, sidney william browne, trustee, william allen, william hickey, william james capewell, william walker

The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of a number of men sitting around a table. They are members of the Land League Committee during a meeting in Dublin.ballarat irish, land league, land league committee, dublin

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule