Galen Catholic College began operation in 1975 but the new college buildings at College Street were not ready at the start of the school year. College classes were temporarily held at St. Patrick's Hall in the heart of Wangaratta until the building had been completed. These two photos are a vivid record of that time. galen catholic college, galen college, st. patrick's hall, st. patrick's church, temporary campus

The library depicted in the photograph was the temporary library used before a library building was built on the Mt Helen Campus. The temporary library was in the ground floor of F building, near the 2009 office number 212. Two photographs relating to the first library at the Mt Helen Campus (Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education). .1) A female and males stands at a bookcase - as of 18/06/2019 this photo is unavailable. .2) The library loans deskballarat institute of advanced education, library, mt helen, dunn, cochrane, librarian

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains the last 7 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

The Ferranti Sirius is an electronic second-generation transistor computer and is one of three remaining examples of this machine left in the world. It was an important addition to the computing facilities at Monash University in the early 1960s and provided access for computer programming and research for many early computer professionals, academics and teachers. The Ferranti Sirius computer was built in a period of rapid growth in computing technology. The first stored program computers appeared in the late 1940s and used individual designs with valve technology. By the mid-1950s valve technology was replaced by transistors and the first mass produced commercial computers became available. The Ferranti Sirius was announced in 1959 and offered a “small” academic computer. It was designed and built by the English company Ferranti Ltd and sold through a local office of the company in Melbourne. The Sirius was manufactured at the Ferranti Ltd.’s West Gorton, England factory from 1959 to 1963 and, in all, the company produced probably 22 installations although only 16 were actually recorded as sold; this included one at Ferranti’s Bureau in London and one at Ferranti’s Melbourne Bureau. Only 7 were exported and 4 of these 7 were located in Melbourne, Australia. All four were associated with computing at Monash University – the Sirius in the MMoCH collection was purchased by Monash University in 1962, a smaller Ferranti Sirius was used on the Caulfield campus (prior to amalgamation with Monash University) from 1963, the Ferranti company had its own Ferranti Sirius initially temporarily installed at Clayton campus in 1962 and then placed in their office in Queens Road, Melbourne. A fourth computer was purchased by ICIANZ (now Orica) in 1962 and was transferred to Clayton campus in 1967. Only two of these Melbourne examples have survived; one in the MMoCH collection and one at Museums Victoria. There is an example of the Ferranti Sirius in the Science Museum Group collection in the UK as well. The Ferranti Sirius in the MMoCH collection was the first computer purchased by Monash University and it was shipped to Australia to be installed by November 1962. The University had a similar model computer on loan from Ferranti Ltd during the first part of the year and it was returned to the office of the company in Queens Road, Melbourne once the University’s own machine was installed. The computer was placed on site at Clayton campus, Monash University. The computer operated from 1962 until 1972 when it was officially decommissioned. The Ferranti Sirius was sold to Mr Paul Stewart in late 1974 and removed from Monash University. Mr Stewart later donated the computer back to the University in 1988 and it was transferred to the collection of the Monash Museum of Computing History after 2001. The Ferranti Sirius is an electronic second-generation transistor computer and is one of three remaining examples of this machine left in the world. It was an important addition to the computing facilities at Monash University in the early 1960s and provided access for computer programming and research for many early computer professionals, academics and teachers. The Ferranti Sirius is of scientific (technological) significance as one of the early transistor digital computers that transitioned computing from first-generation valve computers to second generation commercial installations. This example of the Sirius is of historical significance in its role as a part of the Computer Centre, Clayton campus, Monash University which provided computing facilities in Melbourne in the early 1960s when there were few installations available for academic, administrative and commercial users. Staff and students were able to undertake investigative research and learn programming techniques. The Computer Centre encouraged the use of the computer across all disciplines and this provided the base to establish computer science as a subject offering and, later, a new department in the University. This growth in computer education eventually culminated in the establishment of the Faculty of Information Technology, Monash University. The Ferranti Sirius in the collection at Monash Museum of Computing History has a main unit with a CPU and memory combined with input/output equipment and one extra cabinet of memory. The Central Processing Unit is a floor-standing unit which contains the computer circuits, power supplies and has a decimal digit display panel and a normal clock. A moveable control panel is placed in front of the Unit (Currently set on a recreated desk/filing cabinet support in the display). The Sirius base unit uses acoustic delay line memory with 1000 word store. An additional 3000 word memory cabinet is set adjacent to the CPU and can be connected to increase the memory. The computer is supported by a range of input/output devices. There is a Ferranti Paper tape reader, located on desk in front of CPU. Red label on front “Ferranti tape reader. Type TR 5. Serial No. 477”. Adjacent to the CPU is a set of Simplified tape editing equipment in three pieces which includes a (1) Table unit with switches on front face. Metal tag on reverse reads “Creed & Co. Model No. S4060. Serial No. 1457. Original Customers Marking GRP7 V706”. The table has a numbered internal tag “Table Serial No. 198579. (2)Creed teletype set on table unit. Metal tag on reverse “Creed & Co. Model No. 75RPR K4M4. Serial No. 5897 Made in England”. (3)Creed paper tape reader set on table unit. This set of equipment could read paper tape and print it, or copy paper tape while allowing it to be edited, or allow a programmer or data preparation person to type and punch a new program or data. It has no electrical connection to the computer. Paper tapes were usually torn off and carried across to the computer. There is also another table unit with switches on front face and changeable setting switch on front right side which holds a Ferranti Westrex paper tape punch set. Label on reverse “Teletype Code BRPE11” This was the Computer’s only output device. BRPE-11 is a teletype model number.

Ruby Lonie was Senior Clerk of the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB) Administrative Staff. Always known as Miss Lonie, her sole position was at SMB where she worked between May 1914 and May 1960. When the SMB Registrar, John Robinson, died in 1935 the question of who would fill the position became a matter of urgency. The temporary answer was Miss Lonie, who was the senior clerk on the Registrar's staff. The permanent position was looked upon as an exclusively male preserve. At Miss Lonie's retirement function SMB President, M.B. John, noted that Miss Lonie had joined the staff in 1914 and had 'done a tremendous job since that time, and for many years had been the Registrar's "Right Hand Man". Twenty Four years after having acted as Registrar the current SMB Registrar, F.F.Ferguson recognised Miss Lonie's assistance and her extensive knowledge of the history and the administrative procedures of the School. He added 'I have noted on many occasions Miss Lonie's kindly interest in people in times of sickness or difficulty and her willingness to help.' Current and former staff members were keen to acknowledge Miss Lonie. Former Principal Dick Richards said 'That Miss Lonie had been in this one job all her life is a great tribute to the school, and the Council is conscious of her devoted service.' The Principal, Mr Arblaster, on behalf of himself and the staff presented Miss Lonie with a gold watch and wished her well in her retirement. The next day Miss Lonie, along with Hestor Darby, the SMB Typewriting teacher who was on long service leave, sailed from Melbourne for London, mainly to visit Scotland.A black and white photo of a woman, Ruby Lonieruby lonie, ballarat school of mines, women, university women

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Lisa Widdop (16/07/1971-18/01/2024) was an "artist, painter, creator of many things, connoisseur of small and precious things" Quote from her memorial card. Lisa was an alumni of Federation University. Lisa was also a passionate member of OZACT - a touring theatre company dedicated to making Shakespeare accessible to con temporary Australian audiences with performances in Southern Australia's outdoor landscapes. Lisa was involved in management, designing of props, costumes and production of these performances.Coloured prints on black backgrounds.1 Pussy-cat, pussy-cat where have you been? I've been to London to see the Queen. Pussy-cat, pussy-cat what did you there? I ate a chili right under her chair.

Ruby Lonie was Senior Clerk of the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB) Administrative Staff. Always known as Miss Lonie, her sole position was at SMB where she worked between May 1914 and May 1960. When the SMB Registrar, John Robinson, died in 1935 the question of who would fill the position became a matter of urgency. The temporary answer was Miss Lonie, who was the senior clerk on the Registrar's staff. The permanent position was looked upon as an exclusively male preserve. Twenty Four years after having acted as Registrar the current SMB Registrar, F.F.Ferguson recognised Miss Lonie's assistance and her extensive knowledge of the history and the administrative procedures of the School. At Miss Lonie's retirement function SMB President, M.B. John, noted that Miss Lonie had joined the staff in 1914 and had 'done a tremendous job since that time, and for many years had been the Registrar's "Right Hand Man"women of note, ruby helen lonie, ballarat school of mines, senior clerk, administrative staff, acting registrar, recognition at retirement, f ferguson, smb president, m b john, 1914-1960

The Davey Paxman Experimental Steam Engine was purchased as the result of a bequest from Thomas Bath. The 'substantial sum' was used to build an Engineering Laboratory. The Ballarat School of Mines Council minutes of 08 November 1901 record: - Plans for [the] proposed building were submitted ... and ... it was resolved that a temporary building for an Engineering Laboratory be put up.' This laboratory, as an existing building, is first mentioned in the Ballarat School of Mines President's Annual Report of 1901, presented on 28 February 1902, reporting 'the erection of a building 67ft long by 33 ft wide' This report also lists all the equipment that would be accommodated in the Engineering Laboratory, including the experimental steam engine and boiler. The experimental Davey-Paxman steam engine arrived in Ballarat towards the end of 1902. The Engineering Laboratory was opened on 14 August 1903 by His Excellency Sir Sydenham Clarke. This engineering laboratory remained in use till about 1945. By 1944 preparations were under way at the Ballarat School of Mines to expand existing facilities, to be ready for the influx of returned soldiers. A new Heat Engines laboratory was built, this time of brick construction, replacing the previous corrugated-iron shed. In the early stages the steam engine was used to drive an overhead transmission shaft for machinery in the adjacent workshop. Later the steam engine was moved to a space that became the Heat Thermodynamics Laboratory. At the end of 1969 the engine was relocated to the Thermodynamics Laboratory at the then Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education (BIAE) Mt Helen Campus. It was donated to Sovereign Hill in 2006. According to the research of Rohan Lamb in 2001 around five experimental steam engines were made by Davey Paxman, and three of these had similar configuration to the Ballarat School of Mines Steam Engine, however, each of these was also unique with different valve arrangements. The list, which was on a scrap of paper in a folio held in the Essex Archives, confirmed that one was sent to India. The Ballarat steam engine can be dated to late 1901 to early 1902. Zig Plavina was responsible for moving the steam engine to Mount Helen, and worked on it as a technician for many years. He observed the following: * The condenser is driven by the low pressure engine. * The following arrangements are possible: i) the high pressure engine alone, exhausting to atmosphere. Condenser not used, crankshaft flanges not coupled. ii) crankshafts coupled, mains pressure (120 psi) steam supplied to high pressure engine, partially expanded steam delivered to low pressure engine (Tandem operation). Choice available re exhaust steam: either to the condenser or to atmosphere. iii) crankshafts not coupled, reduced pressure steam supplied to low pressure engine. Exhaust steam - either to the condenser or to atmosphere. * Valve arrangement - a choice of Pickering cut-off or throttle governor. On low pressure engine - throttle governor only.Black and white photograph of the Davey Paxman Experimental Steam Engine. On the brake is returned serviceman Norman WIlliam Ludbrook (Diploma Electrical Engineering, 1952). Far right is Roy E. Mawby (Diploma Electrical Engineering, 1950)steam engine, model steam engine, davey paxman, electrical engineering, laboratory, scientific instrument, norman ludbrook, norman william ludbrook, roay mawby, roy e. mawby

Small orange piece of paper to record temporary holds in the library.48hrs crossed out and changed to 2hrs federation university, federation university australia, temporary holds slip, temporary holds, library

Folder: 895 Main Road, Eltham Contents Listing 1. Certificate of Title; Vol. 8424, Fol. 334, 5 February 1963 2. Certificate of Title; Lot 2, Plan of Subdivision No. 63242, Parish of Nillumbik, Vol. 8479, Fol. 283, 18 May 1964 (Eltham War Memorial Trust) 3. Newspaper article: Extensions to shire offices will benefit all, by Fab Calafuri, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, July 8, 1986, p6 [Reverse side, p5, Residents rally to save dam by Helen Gillman about Peck’s Dam in Napier Street, Montmorency] 4. Office memo: Temporary Shutdown of Water Supply Shire Offices – Tuesday 9 March 1993; Anthony Guzzo, 5 March 1993 – Melbourne Water advice due to works on new library 5. Plan of Old Municipal Offices, date and creator unknown 6. Newspaper clipping: Move to convert shire office for police use, by Jodie Haythorne, Diamond Valley News, May 1995 7. Newspaper clipping: Sale of Eltham office / Removal of Question time; Nillumbik Happenings, Mountain Views, 15 May 1995 8. Newspaper clipping: Bid for TAFE campus, Mountain Views, 25 September 1995, p8 9. Newspaper clipping: Will the former Shire of Eltham offices become a TAFE college?, The Advertiser, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Jezza! Photo of football legend Alex Jesaulenko at Watsonia RSL also Advertisement: Maternal and Child Health Centre Timetable] 10. Newspaper clipping: Eltham may get TAFE campus in shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi and Natalie Town, and Nillumbik set for rate cuts, Diamond Valley News, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Art for hope – article about artist Damien Curtain at Hurstbridge Primary School] 11. Newspaper clipping: More talks on TAFE, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 17, 1995, p3 – includes photos of Nillumbik Chief Commissioner Don Cordell, Box Hill College of TAFE Executive Director Andrew Jackson and Niillumbik CEO Barry Rochford; Eltham MP Wayne Phillips with Eltham Chamber of Commerce President Norm Williams and Rotary Club of Eltham President Peter Bishop; Eltham College principal John Brennan with St Helena Secondary College head Ken Cunningham and Eltham High School principal Ron Edwards. [On reverse, p4, Sorry sag of botched relations, Jock Kyme] 12. Newspaper clipping: Eltham hails TAFE take-over, by Fiona Kaegi and Council to hold regular briefings, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 13. Newspaper clipping (photocopy): Why no council office at Eltham?, Mark Burns, Letters, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 14. Newspaper clipping: Future of Eltham office?, Mountain Views, Monday, October 23, 1995, p8 15. Newspaper clipping: Council seeks opinions on former shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 25 October 1995 16. Newspaper clipping: Shire office move, The Advertiser, December 1995 17. Newspaper clipping: Former shire offices up for sale; possibly Diamond Valley News, December 1995 18. Newspaper clipping: Agents to sell shire office, Mountain Views, Monday, December 18, 1995, p8 19. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Shire Council Proposed Sale or Lease of Eltham Municipal Offices, Diamond Valley News, 10 January 1996 20. Newspaper clipping: No Submissions on Eltham Shire Offices, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, 30 January 1996, p1 21. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 31 January 1996, 7.4 Sale or Lease of Former Eltham Municipal Offices 22. Photocopy: Letter HTW Valuers to Nillumbik Shire Council, Valuation of former Eltham Municipal Offices at $1.45 million, 31 January 1996 23. Newspaper clipping: New G’boro, Eltham places, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, Tuesday, March 26, 1996, p4 [on reverse, p3, ALP Faithful at Montsalvat] 24. Newspaper clipping: Legal costs a hurdle for action group, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 16 April 1996 25. Photocopy (91 pages): Tender Documents for purchase of Former Eltham Shire Offices 895 Main Road, Eltham, Prepared for Nillumbik Shire Council, Maddock Lonie & Chisholm, Melbourne. Tenders close at 3.00pm on 24 April 1996 26. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Building’s asbestos riddle. By Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 26 June 1996 27. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 26 June 1996, 11.43/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 28. Media Release (Photocopy of facsimile from Barry Rochford, CEO): Community Facilities in New Gateway to Eltham, 28 June 1996 29. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan 1:200 Proposed Convenience Centre At Main Road Eltham, Baldasso Cortese Pty Ltd Architects, Collingwood, July 1996 30. Newspaper clipping: ‘Whopper’ For Eltham?, Letters, Sigmund Jorgensen, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 2, 1996, p3 31. Newspaper clipping: Ex-shire offices to go, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 3 July 1996, p1 32. Photocopy Newspaper clipping: Unsuccessful bidders criticise sale of offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 10 July 1996 33. Newspaper clipping: Insensitive proposal, Sue Dyet, Letters, Diamond Valley Newsm 17 July 1996 34. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 17 July 1996, 7.116/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 35. Newspaper clipping: Former shire office sale angers residents, Diamond Valley News, 30 July 1996, p3 36. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Offices Demolition, ‘You can’t demolish city hall’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 30, 1996, pp14-15 features photos of Eltham protestors, Thelma Barkway, Harry Gilham, Jenni Mitchell, Jock Kyme and David Essex 37. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan Proposed Convenience Centre, Main Road, Eltham, Graeme Bentley Landscape Architects, August 1996 38. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Disbelief at plans, Margaret Jennings; Lack of respect, Mike Jansz; Community opinion, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, circa August 1996 39. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): ‘There was no conflict of interest’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 4, 1996 40. Newspaper clipping: Chamber supports plans, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 41. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Adding to the price, Kelly Fitzpatrick; Area being torn apart, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 42. Newspaper clipping: Labor joins battle to save offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, (7?) August 1996 43. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; ‘Atrocious assault of commercialism’, Lois Loftus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 13, 1996, p9 44. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Roll up for the show, Kahn Franke; Thanks for turn-out, Margaret Jennings; Way past time, Jenni Bundy; Angry at the vandalism (continued p13 missing), Diamond Valley News, August 14, 1996, p12 45. Newspaper clipping: ‘Enough is enough’ states John Cohen; Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertisers, Tuesday, August 20, 1996, p2 [Reverse, p1, Trade boost at Diamond Creek] 46. Newspaper clipping: Public viewing, Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p 47. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Chiefs must resign, Gayle Blackwood; Time to have your say, Margaret Jennings; Sensible balance, Gwen Jakins; Recycling: a fine example, Grace Mitchell; Limits on site use, Stephen Clendinnen; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p4 48. Newspaper clipping: Letters; A lasting memorial, Ken and Laurel Eckersell; Stripping assets, Jack Lawson; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p29 49. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Nillumbik: in the eye of the beholder, Sigmund Jorgensen; ‘Crying inside’ over Eltham Shire office, Grace Mitchell; The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 10, 1996, 2 50. Newspaper clipping: Public Notice; Notice of an Application for Planning Permit, Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 51. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Timing was the problem: chief, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 52. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Architectural monstrosity, Jenni Bundy; Bargain price, Gavin Gray; Paying for road works, Sue Dyet; Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 [ on reverse, articles on Queen’s Guide Nicola Blay (photo) and Plenty River and Diamond Creek waterways] 53. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Hub Plans on Show, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p1 54. Newspaper clipping: Bleeding halted: Commish and Letters; Sigmund’s credibility gap, David Nolte; ‘Double standards’, Ros Harris, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p3 55. Newspaper clipping: Gateway to the future; Plans on display, public comments sought, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 18, 1996, p8 [Reverse, p7, Policy limits event signs, and, Council ‘arrogant’ on ward option: MP] 56. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): 19 on council inquiry list, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 18 September 1996 – about council listing 19 people who are only to be dealt with directly by CEO, Barry Rochford 57. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Eltham is wonderful, Sigmund Jorgensen, Letters, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 24, 1996, p4 58. Objection to Grant of Planning Permit (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman per Eltham District Historical Society Inc. re application 960376 for petrol station, convenience shop, retail shop, etc to be issued to Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, 25 September 1996 59. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Public meeting, Eltham Gateway Action Group – to discuss latest plans to develop former shire office site on Sunday 4 September 1996; publication unknown, possibly Diamond Valley News 60. Newspaper clipping: Minister orders sale probe, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 12, 1996, p1 61. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Headline could mislead, Wayne Phillips, Member for Eltham, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 8, 1996, p3 62. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Few jobs for young, Margaret Jennings; The whole truth, Alan Ramsay, Diamond Valley News, October 9, 1996, p12 63. Newspaper clipping: Public outcry at Abbott veto with ‘reserve power’; 200 residents yell abuse as commissioners give ok to Eltham service station, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p1 64. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Eltham Hub briochure has ‘trees that are a fiction’, Lois Lofus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p2 65. Newspaper clipping: Shrewd tactics row, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p1 66. Newspaper clipping: Residents have their say on former shire offices, by Jodie Guest, and, Anger over reserve power, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p9 67. Newspaper clipping: Office sale report will not be made public, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996 [Reverse, article featuring Youth development officer, Ian Patching] 68. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Happening in a hurry, Peter Dodds; Development unsuitable, Mark Burns; Vale those dreamers, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996, two pages unidentified 69. Newspaper clipping: Group to fight council decision on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 26, 1996 – re Eltham Gateway Action Group taking Council to the Administrative Appeal Tribunal over approval of controversial development [Reverse, article on Bend of Islands place name] 70. Newspaper clipping: Three days allowed to hear objection, by John Dubois, Diamond Valley New, December 4, 1996 71. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Site traffic dangers, Frank Burgoyne; Thanks for support, Margaret Jennings, Diamond Valley News, noted in pen as 8 December 1996 though probably 11 December 1996 [Reverse, What about that link, asks council, by Natalie Town – about ring road between Greensborough and Ringwood] 72. Newspaper clipping: Minister to rule on proposal, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, December 18, 1996 73. Report (Photocopy, 31 pages): Convenience Centre Development Proposal: Italian Cypress at Former Eltham Shire Offices Site, Main Rd. Eltham, Graeme Butler & Associates, 1997 74. Newspaper clipping: People unite to battle project, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, February 19, 1997 75. Letter (Photocopy): Ms B Martin to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 76. Letter (Photocopy): Thelma Barkway to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 77. Newspaper clipping: Legal Battle, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 2, 1997 78. Newspaper clipping: Site Row Saga, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 9, 1997 79. Newspaper clipping: Community fears loss of heritage, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 80. Newspaper clipping: Debate erupts over service station plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 [Reverse, ‘No’ to rates hike proposal] 81. Newspaper clipping: Letter to the Editor; “Your front-page last week is considerable inaccurate … a surplus of $14,000 is expected at 30 June 1977.”, Robert Marshall, The Advertiser, April 28, 1997, p1 82. Newspaper clipping: $1.1m Debt Plan, by Fiona Keagi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 23, 1997, p1 and continued on p24, Shire to defer works programs 83. Newspaper clipping: Blast for Council, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 30, 1997, p1 and continued on p7, ‘Experts’ oppose plans for shire site. 84. Newspaper clipping: Photo – Uncertainty: the future of the former Eltham Shire office site is still to be decided by Planning Minister Rob Maclellan., Diamond Valley News, April 30, 1997 [ Reverse; Not your average convenience store, by Laeta Antonysen] 85. Newspaper clipping: Shire site decision soon, Diamond Valley News, May 28, 1997 86. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; Features to protect, Ken Eckersell, Diamond Valley News, June 4, 1997 87. Newspaper clipping: Costly bun fight over shire offices, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 [reverse, Montsalvat plans season of festivals, by Fiona Kaegi] 88. Newspaper clipping: Shire office shemozzle, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 – provides a brief timeline of events June 1996 to April 22, 1997 89. Newspaper clipping: Law Suit Threat, by Fiona Kaegi and Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997, p1 90. Newspaper clipping: Report rejects store plan, and, Residents with panel, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997 91. Newspaper clipping: Councillors meet Shell developer, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 30, 1997 92. Newspaper clipping: Deadline extended to allow more talks, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, August 8, 1997. Also Curves to stay in link road about Nillumbik’s realignment plans for Diamond Creek’s ‘windy mile’ [Reverse, Shire tightens grants scheme] 93. Newspaper clipping: $10m option for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 10, 1997 94. Newspaper clipping: New plan for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, and , Council refuses to do trade with developer, Diamond Valley News, September 17, 1997, p12 [ Reverse, p11, Mixed reaction to kangaroo culling] 95. Newspaper clipping: Gateway plan review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 22, 1997, p3 96. Newspaper clipping: Top planner calls for rethink on office site, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News (includes photo of John Pizzey) 97. Newspaper clipping: Opposition offers help on planning, by Jamie Duncan, Diamond Valley News, November 5, 1997, p3 (includes photo of Opposition Leader John Brumby and Nillumbik Shire President Robert Marshall at the Eltham Gateway site) 98. Letter (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman, Secretary, Eltham District Historical SAociety to Mr B. Rochford, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 15 November 1997 with specific reference to the health of the three “Shillinglaw” trees 99. Newspaper clipping: Puzzlement over delay on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, November 19, 1997 100. Newspaper clipping: Developer pulls out, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, December 10, 1997, p3, and, Council uproar over officers [Reverse, p4, Final victory – announcing resignation of Jenni Mitchell as president of Etham Gateway Action Group] 101. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Asset of pride, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, January 14, 1998 102. Newspaper clipping: Minister ‘no’ to plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, February 11, 1998, p3 103. Newspaper clipping: Shell shocked as Eltham planning protest is upheld, by Gabrielle Costa, date and publication unknown; possibly The Age, February 1998 104. Newspaper clipping: Land review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 1, 1998 105. Newspaper clipping: Bid to move shire offices to new site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News not specifically about 895 Main Road but former Diamond Valley Shire Offices at Civic Drive, Greensborough, circa June 1998 106. Newspaper clipping: Letters; What about us?, Gayle Blackwood, Diamond Valley News, circa June 10, 1998 107. Letter (Photocopy): Sigmund Jorgensen to Kahn Franke, 1 July 1998 re advertisement and list of contributors 108. Advertisement (Photocopy): Show that democracy is not dead in Nillumbik !!!, Saturday 17 Oct. 1998 109. Newspaper clipping: Arts dream shattered, by Natalie Birch, Diamond Valley Leader, July 17, 2002, p3 – Council about to dump plans for an arts centre on former office site 110. Newspaper clipping: Letters; This site belongs to the people, John Cohen; Pro-development, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley Leader, May 21, 2003 111. Discussion Paper: Community Use of Site, 895 Main Road Eltham, 8 pages, Gayle Blackwood, Sue Dyet, Ken Eckersell, 25 August 2003 with supporting drafts dated August 5 and 6. 112. Newspaper clipping: Shire plan ‘sacrilegious’; Residents fight war memorial sale, by Dave Cropssthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, Nillumbik Edition, Wednesday, August 18, 2004, p1 – about council plans to sell Eltham War memorial and former Shire Office sites 113. Newspaper clipping: Land sales to come under more debate, by Dave Crossthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, September 15, 2004, p5 114. Newspaper clipping: Council saves ex-office site, axes club plan, Diamond Valley Leader, March 30, 2005 115. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Ask the people, John Cohen, Diamond Valley Leader, April 6, 2005, p20 116. Newspaper clipping: Shire moving for public use zoning on Eltham landmark sites, Diamond Valley Leader, October 25, 2006 117. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Consultation a sham, Carol Doherty; Civic centre excellent, Marguerite Marshall; Only Eltham counts, Carmel Jacobsen, Diamond Valley Leader, May 22, 2007 [Reverse, Disability a test for councillor (Bo Bendtsen)] 118. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Planning Scheme, Approval of Amendment C49 – rezoning of 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2007, p7 119. Newspaper clipping: Illustration; An artist’s impression of the proposed Nillumbik civic centre in Main Rd., Diamond Valley Leader, June 25, 2008 [Reverse, City link with learning – about Eltham College setting up a city campus for Year 9 students, with photo featuring principal Dr David Warner and students] 120. Newspaper clipping: Civic centre forecast withdrawn, Diamond Valley Leader, July 2, 2008 121. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council, 5 September 2008, re Civic Future Project 122. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council to EDHS, 5 October 2008, re Civic Future Project 123. Letter (Copy): Mrs D. Bassett-Smith to Mayor and Councillors, 17 April 2009 re former shire office site and future community use 124. Letter (Copy): Eltham District Historical Society to Bill Forrest, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 1 August 2009, in support of D. Bassett-Smith letter of 17 April 2009 and response from Council, 12 August 2009 125. Newspaper clipping: Hotel mooted for site, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, July 5, 2017 126. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Fury, surprise and support for Eltham development; Re: Grand plan for Eltham’s jewel (February 7), Cath McLardy, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2008, p14 [Reverse, p13, Learning from the fateful day; the devastation on that day in 2009 will always stay in Steve Warrington’s mind. He recalls the tragedy] 127. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Plan to fight council on land sell-off, Jennifer Ambrudge and others, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2018, p15 – about council plan to sell off reserves and shire office site and Eltham War Memorial 128. Newspaper clipping: Plans for site urged, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2018 129. Newspaper clipping: Approach under fire; Council plans for historic shire site raises eyebrows, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 19, 2018 130. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Our plan for a revitalised Eltham, Nillumbik Shire Council, Diamond Valley Leader, Wednesday, October 3, 2018, p7 131. Notice: Eltham Community Town Meeting, Saturday 134th October 2018 – about council plans to sell off community reserves and assets – along with flyer for Eltham Community Action Group 132. Essay A4 18 pages: An essay addressed to the Councillors of Nillumbik Shire, October 2018 (with addendum 7 November), Andrew Lemon 133. Photocopy Marked Up Flyer: The story behind 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Eltham – the heart of Eltham’s Town Centre, with marked up comments by Eltham Community Action Group, collected 9 December 2018 134. Newspaper clipping: Calls to fix ‘outdated’ site; negotiations cease with developers amid renewed push to improve civic space at Main St. Eltham, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, May 29, 2019, p5 135. Newspaper clipping: Ex-council site flagged for hospital; Councillor suggests former Eltham headquarters would be ideal spot, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, October 30, 2019, p3 136. Concept plan: Proposal; Nillumbik Cultural Gallery with Art Cinema, Restaurant, Tourism, Preliminary Sketch Design G, Barry Pearce Architect and Designer, 8 April 2022, 8 pagesmain road, eltham, property, houses, shops, businesses, shillinglaw trees, eltham shire offices site

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College school uniform including a dress, skirt, jumper, rugby tops, windcheater, jacket, sports tops and a tie. All items are in the school colours of green, white and gold.gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan.

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College school dress made from green and white cotton and polyester check fabric. There is a thin yellow line at edges of check pattern. Short set in sleeves with a cuff edged with piping. White flat collar. The dress has a front placket opening to the waist fastened with four dark green buttons. Bust darts on both sides. Front and back below the waist have two inverted pleats. On the right hand side there is an internal pocket with a zip fastener. At centre back is a decorative half belt with diagonal check. Machine hemmed.Tag below collar. Front. "PREFECT Value Based Apparel. NAME _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " Reverse "65% Polyester 35% Cotton. Washing Instructions."gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan., school dress

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College girl's school skirt. Dark green, mid green, yellow and red tartan. Expandable waist band across the back of the waistband. Internal pocket below front waistband. Side opening zip and button fasteners. Two inverted box pleats on the front and the back.gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan., skirt

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College girl's dark green short sleeved polo shirt. Yellow embroidered school logo on left hand side.Tag below collar " MASK Melbourne Polyester/Cotton Made in China Size 14" "Washing Instructions on reverse."gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan., polo shirt

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College girl's dark green short sleeved polo shirt with 12.5 cm yellow panel on RHS of front from shoulder to hem. Yellow embroidered intertwining letters GSSC on left hand side. Size 12.Tag below collar "DUX BY DOBSONS Phone 03 9619 1122" "NAME _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " "Washing Instructions on reverse."gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan., polo shirt

Golden Square High School in the city of Bendigo, was established in temporary accommodation at Camp Hill Primary School in central Bendigo in 1960. With the completion of the new school's buildings, it moved to Golden Square in 1962, providing for Forms 1 to 6, now known as years 7 to 12. In 1978 it became a 7–10 school and was one of the original feeder schools to Bendigo Senior High School. In 1986, a Hearing Impaired Unit was established and in 1990 it underwent a name change to become Golden Square Secondary College. The Golden Square Secondary College campus closed on 28 November 2008. It merged with Kangaroo Flat and Flora Hill secondary colleges as part of the implementation of the Bendigo Education Plan. Its buildings were demolished. (Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Square_Secondary_College) This uniform collection belonged to Anna Matthews, daughter of the donor, who attended GSSC as part of the last group enrolled before the school closed in 2008. Golden Square Secondary College girl's white short sleeved polo shirt. Red, yellow and dark green stripes on the collar. White buttons. Appliqued embroidered school logo on left hand side. Size 12.Tag below collar "DUX BY DOBSONS Phone 03 9619 1122" "NAME _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " "Washing Instructions on reverse."gssc, golden square secondary college, uniform, bendigo education plan., polo shirt