This set of banknotes was issued by the Bank of Australasia's Head Office in Sydney, New South Wales. Two banknotes are dated before the Federation of Australia on 1st January 1901 and two are dated just two years after Federation. Each of the banknotes in this set has a rectangular piece cut from it. This indicates that the banknote was cancelled when the note was exchanged for Australian dollars after Decimal Currency was introduced on 14th February 1966. The Bank of Australasia was established under the Royal Charter of England. It first came to Australia in 1835, opening in Sydney. The Bank of Australasia was the first bank in Warrnambool. It was established in 1854 and operated from leased buildings in Merri Street then Timor Street. The bank opened its own building on May 21, 1860, on the north-east corner of Timor and Kepler Streets. In that year, the Acting Superintendent of the Bank of Australasia in Sydney was David Charters McArthur. He went on to become the Superintendent 1867-1876. In 1951 the Bank of Australasia amalgamated with the Union Bank to form the Australia and New Zealand Bank, now known as the ANZ. Then in 1970 the ANZ merged with both the ES&A and the London Bank of Australia to form the ANZ Banking Group Limited. The ANZ Banking Group Ltd kindly donated a variety of historic items from the Bank of Australasia. This set of banknotes has historical significance as it was issued by the Bank of Australasia. The Bank of Australasia was the first bank in Warrnambool, established in 1854. The bank continued to operate until its merger in 1951 when it became the ANZ Bank, which is still in operation today. The Bank was an integral part of the establishment and growth of commerce in Colonial Warrnambool and throughout Australia. The banknotes also have a significant place in Australia’s history as two notes are just prior to the Federation of Australia and two notes just after.This banknote set of four notes comprises three (3) £1 one-pound notes and one (1) £5 five-pound note. The notes were published by The Bank of Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales between 1899 and 1903. The denominations of the notes and their round pound-coin symbols are printed in green ink, and the remainder of the printing is in black ink. All notes have a black ink stamp impressed twice on each side. The stamp states that the notes are cancelled. There are handwritten initials in red ink on each note's obverse and text in pencil on their reverse. The reverse of the one-pound notes is unprinted but the five-pound note has a printed decorative border and images with an inscription and shield. The notes have a rectangular cut-out on the lower edge.Serial Numbers, Denominations and Dates: 5054.1 "ONE POUND" "Q50,806" "NEW SOUTH WALES" "1st July 1903" 5054.2 "ONE POUND" "O50 551" "NEW SOUTH WALES" "1st July 1903" 5054.3 "ONE POUND" "O24,385" "NEW SOUTH WALES" "1st July 1899" 5054.4 "FIVE POUND" "A36,191" "NEW SOUTH WALES" "5th February 1900" Stamp "BANK OF AUSTRALASIA / CANCELLED" Handwritten in red [initials] Image on five pound note"(around border) "BANK OF AUSTRALASIA INCORPORATED BY ROYAL CHARTER" and (image on shield) [suspended sheep] in diagonal corners, and [sailing ships] in other diagonal corners, and four stars (or open flowers)" Text in pencil "L24"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, one pound note, bank of australasia, legal tender, £1, banknote, banknotes, flagstaff hill maritime museum & village, shipwreck coast, five poind note, australian currency, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, union bank, australia & new zealand bank, anz bank, david charters mcarthur, d c mcarthur, one-pound note, five-pound note, £5, sydney, new south wales, pre-federation, post-federation, currency, set of banknotes

This crosscut saw was originally part of the equipment on the barque Marjorie Craig, which brought New Zealand timber into Warrnambool from about 1908 to 1912 for the local merchants P J McGennan & Co. The toolbox was donated by a member of a local family connected with the La Bella rescue in 1905. The toolbox has carvings and markings that make it unique and connect it to the Marjorie Craig. The Craig Line of sailing ships was from Auckland, New Zealand, and traded in timber and some coal from New Zealand ports to Australia, including Sydney, Adelaide, Melbourne and Warrnambool. They returned with produce from Australia as ballast. In 1912 the Craig fleet included the Ihumata, Inga, Jessie Craig, Marjorie Craig, Louisa Craig and Joseph Craig. The steel barque Marjorie Craig, 500 ton, was built in 1891 as the 'Hirotha', in Ardrossan, Scotland for Norwegian owners. The ship was sold to Auckland’s Donald Ross and others in 1900, then in 1905 it was sold, registered by J.J. Craig in Auckland, New Zealand and renamed Marjorie Craig. Marjorie Craig’s commanders included Master R A Campbell in 1907, J MacFarlane in 1909 and Master R.G. Holmes in 1913. From February 1908, the Marjorie Craig was regularly seen in the Port of Warrnambool with loads of timber for merchants P J McGennan & Co. In February 1912 Marjorie Craig delivered white pine for P J McGennan & Co. In April of the same year, she brought 500,000 feet of timber for McGennan & Co and again in May 1912. On May 12 1912 Marjorie left the Port of Warrnambool with 500 tons of flour for New Zealand; it seems that this was her last time at Warrnambool. Prior to 1908, the vessel Speculant brought in timber from New Zealand for the McGennan firm. The Marjorie Craig had a strong reputation for being a ‘Fast Flyer’, breaking the sailing records for voyages between New Zealand and Australia. It was reported that she made passages with a speed equal to steamboats on several occasions. One of her records was from Warrnambool to Hokianga, NZ in eight-and-a-half days. The ship broke the record in October 1913 for the time from Adelaide to Auckland, sailing in 28 days, even with a damaged ship, and the owner presented Captain Holmes with a gold watch and chain. By the end of December 1913, the Craig Line’s last two surviving sailing ships, Marjorie Craig and Jessie Craig, had been purchased by Huddart, Parker & Co. Ltd. to work as coal hulks, one in Melbourne and one in Hobart.The saw is significant for being created for use in 1905 when the steel barque Marjorie Craig was purchased by J J Craig and given that name. The saw would be part of the sip's equipment and could have been used for the timber carried as cargo on the Marjorie Craig. The saw is significant for its association with the well-known Marjorie Craig, a frequent visitor to the Port of Warrnambool 1908 to 1912, a supplier of New Zealand timber for the local firm P J McGennan & Co, and one of the fastest inter-colonial sailing ships that broke numerous records for its speed including the fastest sailing from Warrnambool to Hokianga. Crosscut saw; blade attached to wooden handles by wingnut each end. The saw has 63 teeth. Also has a tag attached with an inscription. The saw was ship's equipment on the barque, Marjorie Craig.Handwritten on tab: "From sailing ship Marjorie Craig early 1900 Port of Warrnambool"flagstaff hill, maritime museum, maritime village, warrnambool, great ocean road, shiopwreck coast, woodworking tool, crosscut saw, shipwright tool, saw, marine trade, carpenter, marjorie craig, j j craig, craig line, 1905-1912

A moulding plane is a specialised plane used for making the complex shapes found in wooden mouldings that are used to decorate furniture or other wooden objects. Traditionally, moulding planes were blocks of wear-resistant hardwood, often beech or maple, which were worked to the shape of the intended moulding. The blade or iron was likewise formed to the intended moulding profile and secured in the body of the plane with a wooden wedge. A traditional cabinetmakers shop might have many, perhaps hundreds, of moulding planes for the full range of work to be performed. Large crown mouldings required planes of six or more inches in width, which demanded great strength to push and often had additional peg handles on the sides, allowing the craftsman's apprentice or other workers to pull the plane ahead of the master who guided it. John Moseley & Son: Records indicate that before 1834, the firm is listed at number 16 New Street, London and according to an 1862 advertisement the shop had been established in New Street since 1730, The Sun insurance records from the time show that John Moseley was the possessor of a horse mill in the yard of his premises, which means that some kind of manufacturing was taking place, as the mill would have provided power to run a saw or perhaps a grinding wheel so the probability is that he did not just sell tools, he made them as well. John Moseley died in 1828 and his will he names his four sons: John, Thomas, William and Richard. To complicate matters he also had brothers with the same first names; brothers Richard (of Piccadilly) and William (of Peckham Rye) are named as two of the executors. Brother Thomas is not mentioned in this will, but became a minister and was one of the executors of brother Richard’s estate when he died in 1856. From John’s will, we also learn that, although the shop was in New Street, he resided in Lympstone, Devon. The family must have had a house in that county for quite some time as both sons Richard and William are baptised in Devon, although John and Thomas were baptised in London. In the 1841 and 1851 census records, we just find William in New Street, but in 1861 both William and Richard are listed there as toolmakers. That Richard was staying overnight at New Street was probably just accidental as in 1851 and 1871, we find him with his wife Jane and children in Clapham and Lambeth respectively. In 1851 Richard is listed as “assistant clerk cutlery warehouse” and in 1871 as “retired plane maker and cutler”. Although the actual place of work is not stated, one may assume he worked in the family business. 1862 is a year full of changes for the firm. In that year, William had a new property built at 27 Bedford Street. In the catalogue for the 1862 International Exhibition, 54 Broad Street (later 54-55 Broad Street) is listed for the first time, which may very well coincide with the split of the business into a retail and a wholesale branch. Around the same time, they must have moved from New Street to 17 & 18 King Street because their manufacturing premises had been pulled down to form the New Street from Cranbourne Street to King Street. In January 1865, William died and Richard continued the business. In 1867, the partnership he had with his son Walker and Thomas Elis Hooker, is dissolved. Richard continued tool making at King Street and Bedford Street. Richard retired somewhere between 1867 and 1871, but the business continued. The business is taken over by W M Marples & Sons and tools continued to be made in London until 1904 when manufacturing relocated to Sheffield. A vintage tool made by a well documented company, this item was made commercially for firms and individuals that worked in wood and needed a tool that could produce a ornamental finish to timber. The tool was used before routers and spindle moulders came into use after World War ll, a time when to produce a decorative moulding for a piece of furniture, door trims etc or other items had to be accomplished using hand tools and in particular one of these types of planes. These profiled planes came in various shapes and sizes to achieve a decorative finish. A significant tool from the mid to late 19th century that today is quite rare and sought after by collectors. It gives us a snapshot of how furniture and other decorative finishes were created on timber by the use of hand tools. Tools that were themselves hand made shows the craftsmanship used during this time not only to make a tool such as the subject item but also the craftsmanship needed to produce a decorative finish that was needed to be made for any timber item. Moulding Plane . J Moseley. maker and R Knight & J Heath also stamped stamped (Owners)flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, plane moulding, moulding plane, plane, j heath, moseley

The story of Christopher Gabriel born on April 2, 1746, in Falmouth England is a tale of a poor boy who made good. Shortly before he turned thirteen years of age in 1759 he was apprenticed to a local master carpenter, recorded as a Mr Barnicot the master trained his apprentice well as we can assume by Christopher's later successes. The apprenticeship ended in 1766 after seven years when Christopher reached twenty. Then in 1768, he relocated to London walking the two hundred miles from Falmouth carrying his possessions in a sack. He no sooner arrived in London when he met Alice Trowell who became his wife in March 1769. They set up house on Albermarie Street Clerkenwell and by the first of 1770, Gabriel had begun his business of plane making. It has been speculated that Gabriel took over the shop of John Cogdell aided with an investment from his in-laws of 131 pounds. He went on to prosper as a plane-maker and lumber merchant over the next forty years. His business did well and in 1774 Gabriel moved to a house in Golden Lane, London and 1779 moved again to a home in Ould Street London. By now Gabriel was making a name for himself and his business at this time was located at 32 Banner Street Golden Lane, the following year he purchased another home in Banner Street and 1793 purchased the house next door. At the time of his death in 1808, he owned twenty-seven houses and commercial building. Christopher Gabriel s descendants became quite prominent in England and his grandson, Sir Thomas Gabriel became the Sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1859 and the Lord Mayor of London 1866 and 1867. Gabriel was an extremely prolific plane-maker with a lot of examples made in the 18th century can still be found today. He made good quality tools and was an innovator of several new plane designs. A vintage tool made by a well-known plane-maker, this item was made commercially for firms and individuals that worked in wood and needed a tool that could give a decorative finish to timber. These planes came in various shapes and sizes to achieve a finish to timber surfaces and came in many sizes. A significant Christopher Gabriel plane from the mid to late 18th century that after 200 years can still be used today. Planes made by Gabriel are eagerly sought after by collectors. The tool gives us a snapshot of how furniture and other finishes were created on timber by the use of cutting edged hand tools. Tools that were themselves hand made shows the craftsmanship used during this time not only to make a tool such as the subject item but also the craftsmanship needed to produce a decorative or even finish that was needed for the finishing of timber items. Side Rabbet Plane Stamped Maker Gabriel (owner M Hobling).flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, side rabbet plane, gabriel m hobling

This banknote plate was created for the Sydney branch of the Bank of Australasia in February 1900, before the Federation of Australia. After printing the banknotes from this plate the printer would have overprinted the banknotes with a unique serial number and the denomination of the banknote in capital letters using a contrasting ink. The Bank of Australasia was incorporated by Royal Charter of England in March 1834. It first came to Australia on 14th December 1835, opening in Sydney. In that year, the Acting Superintendent of the Bank of Australasia in Sydney was David Charters McArthur. He went on to become the Superintendent from 1867-to 1876. The Melbourne branch of the Bank of Australasia opened on 28th August 1838. In 1951 the Bank of Australasia amalgamated with the Union Bank to form the Australia and New Zealand Bank, now known as the ANZ. Then in 1970 the ANZ merged with both the ES&A and the London Bank of Australia to form the ANZ Banking Group Limited. The ANZ Banking Group Ltd kindly donated a variety of historic items from the Bank of Australasia. BANK of AUSTRALASIA, WARRNAMBOOL – The Bank of Australasia was the first bank in Warrnambool. It was established in 1854 and operated from leased buildings on Merri Street and then Timor Street. The bank opened its own building on May 21, 1860, on the northeast corner of Timor and Kepler Streets. Mr A Butt was the Manager of the Warrnambool Branch in 1895. This significant item of early Australian social history gives a snapshot into the founding and early development of the banking system in Australia. The plate has historical significance as it belonged to the Bank of Australasia which was established in 1834 by Royal Charter and opened in Sydney, Australia, in Sydney in 1835. The plate is significant for its association with the Bank of Australasia, which had a branch in Warrnambool. Warrnambool's branch was the first bank in Warrnambool, established in 1854. The bank continued to operate until its merger in 1951 when it became the ANZ Bank, which is still in operation today. The Bank was an integral part of the establishment and growth of commerce in Colonial Warrnambool and throughout Australia.Printer's plate for a five-pound note, attached to a block comprising several layers of different varieties of wood. Rectangular metal plate embossed with the banknote's design and produced by the Sydney, New South Wales, branch of the Bank of Australasia. The border includes numbers and text. The image of the bank's logo is included, along with the banknote's denomination in letters and numerals, a signature and a date of 15th February 1900.On the border: in each corner "5", on sides and base "NEW SOUTH WALES" Within the border "FIVE" "The Bank of Australasia / INCORPORATED BY ROYAL CHARTER IN 1835" "FIVE POUNDS' "SYDNEY 5th of February 1900" "for the Bank of Australasia" (Signature) , "MANAGER" Image: (Bank's logo) [Two female figures seated together in a paddock, produce beside them, sheep and buildings in the background]flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, bank of australasia, union bank, australia & new zealand bank, anz bank, sydney, new south wales, currency, banknote, legal tender, commerce, banking, five-pound note, banknote plate, printing plate

This document, also referred to as a word picture or Tablet, is framed in glass and timber with gilt trim, is handwritten with colour highlights. The penned letters rest on ruled guide lines, decorated where the lines intersect. The writing gives a description of the state of Borough of Warrnambool around 1875; its location, the area it covers, its population, Harbour and facilities, public buildings and institutions, imports and exports, financial worth, number of houses, connection with other areas of the Colony. A possible reason and origin for the document is found in an article ‘Link with US Exhibition’ from the Warrnambool Standard of December 19, 1981, written by local historian Bruce Morris. The writer mentions that the Warrnambool Borough Council met on 15th June 1875 and recorded a letter from G.C. Levey , secretary to the Melbourne group of commissioners representing the Colony, and Victoria in particular, for the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition of 1876. The letter asks Council to provide “statistics as to the population, social condition and commercial and industrial state of the district in and around Warrnambool.” A sub committee was formed for the project. The Mayor, Cr. Thomas King, wrote and signed a Report, presented to the council on July 14, 1875, in which “The Committee … begs to recommend that a Tablet be prepared setting for the particulars respecting the following matters relating to the Borough”. The matters included area, population, annual income, churches, schools, other public buildings, societies and companies, general description of houses erected, and returns of exports and imports for 1874. The minutes note that the Report was adopted. The article above also notes the opinion of Warrnambool printers who have examined the document; it is almost certainly to be an old lithograph, which means there could be several copies. It is possible that there may be a copy in Melbourne and another in Philadelphia. It is interesting to note that (1) the quoted location co-ordinates are for an “Unnamed Road, Packsaddle NSW 2880, Australia”, and that the DMS co-ordinates for Warrnambool’s Council Offices differ, being 38.23.9.12 South, 142.28.52.887. (2) the date for “Exports and Imports for the Year Ending 30th June 1875” is different to the period mentioned by Cr. King in the sub committee’s Report of recommendation “returns of exports and imports for 1874”. The information required to have the figures for the end of June 1875 would need to have been compiled very quickly for the Tablet to be ready for the opening of the Philadelphia Exhibition on 10 May 1876. The document/certificate shows the following – - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - “Victoria Australia, Borough of Warrnambool. Latitude, 30.24.50 South, Longitude 142.32 East The Principal Port in the Western District of the Colony and the Centre of its Choicest Agricultural Lands. Established a Municipality in 1855, and Created a Borough 1863. Population in 1875 4,500. Warrnambool is the nearest Port to Melbourne on the Western Seaboard, being about 160 miles distant. Coaches run to and from the Metropolis daily, in connexion [connection] with the Railway of Geelong and Steamers belonging to Local Companies sail between Melbourne, Warrnambool, Belfast [renamed Port Fairy], and Portland several times weekly. The Harbour is known as Lady Bay, and is partially protected by a reef of rocks stretching from the mouth of the Hopkins River. The formation of a Breakwater has been decided upon by the Government, to extend 600 yards, at an estimated cost of £100,000. There are two substantial Jetties, one of 800 and the other of 600 feet in length. The former is connected with the Town by means of a Tramroad, along which Goods, inwards & outwards, are conveyed, & the latter has been constructed solely for the purpose of facilitating the transit of material for the formation of the Breakwater. In addition to the trade of the Borough and District, the principal Townships up country receive their supplies from Melbourne and ship their exports through Warrnambool. Potatoes form the staple produce of the district, and the richness of the soil can be estimated by the fact that the Government Statistics for 1875 give as the average yield a return of Seven Tons to the acre. Several thousand acres between Warrnambool and Tower Hill are now being laid down in Potatoes by Tenants who have leased the lands at rates up to £5 per acre for the season 1875-6. Wool, Tallow, hides &c are also largely exported, while the shipments of all descriptions of Farm Produce are annually increasing. Area of Borough, 3362 Acres. Net Annual Value £27,000. Annual Revenue £5,500. Number of Houses in Borough 800. Public Buildings and Institutions Churches. Church of England, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, Congregational and Baptist. Schools. Three State Schools, average attendance nearly 1000. New Building in course of erection. Several private establishments. Banks. Bank of Australasia, Bank of Victoria, National Bank, Colonial Bank and Savings Bank. Public Buildings. Court house, Custom house, Post & Telegraph Offices, Survey & Land Offices, Shire £, Town Hall, Mechanics Institute, Volunteer Orderly Room, Odd Fellows Hall, Hospital & Benevolent Asylum, Temperance Hall &c. Companies & Societies. Steam Navigation Co, Woolen Mill Co, Gas Co, Racing Club, Amateur Turf Club, Agricultural Society, Farmers’ Club, Cricket Club, Anglers’ Society, Building Society, Freemasons Odd Fellows, Foresters, Druids, Hibernians. Protestant Alliance, Rechabites, Sons of Temperance, &c, Fire Brigade &c. --- Exports and Imports for the Year Ending 30th June 1875 –-- --Exports Total Tonnage 27,800 (Calculated at the Current Warrnambool Market Prices) Potatoes Wool Wheat Barley Hides Skins Fowls Butter Cheese Eggs Tallow Leather Ale Pigs Sheep Sundries --Imports 13,000 Tons Of the Estimated Value of £520,000 Total Tonnage of Exports and Imports 40m900 Tons, Value £806,627 Passenger Travels, to ad from Warrnambool during year, 10,000 persons Revenue from all sources paid through Warrnambool Sub Treasury From 1860 to June 1875 £1, 292, 300 Thomas King [signed] Mayor Henry T Read [signed] Town Clerk” - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - The document is of historical, social, economic and local significance in that it summarises activities, business, community, trade, travel and government at a point in time in Warrnambool’s history – 30th June 1875.Document, also referred to as a ‘word picture’ or ‘tablet’. Document is framed in glass and timber with gilt trim, handwritten with colour highlights. The penned letters rest on ruled guide lines, decorated where the lines intersect. Document outlines the establishment of Warrnambool as a Municipality in 1855 and Borough in 1863, with a population of 4,500 in 1875. It states geographic location, public buildings and institutions, harbor facilities and imports and exports for the year ending 30th June 1875. Two signatures "Thomas King" Mayor and "Henry T Read" Town Clerk. It shows the Coat of Arms of the Borough of Warrnambool.Signatures - "Thomas King" Mayor and "Henry T Read" Town Clerk. Warrnambool Coat of Arms; “British Coat of Arms, above sailing vessel and sheaf of wheat in sun, motto “By these we flourish” and around circumference “Borough of Warrnambool 1855”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, borough of warrnambool, municipality of warrnambool, document borough of warrnambool 1875, word picture of warrnambool 1875, tablet of borough of warrnambool 1875, statistics borough of warrnambool 1875, lithograph borough of warrnambool 1875, coat of arms warrnambool, warrnambool city motto – in these we flourish, establishment of warrnambool, warrnambool history, thomas king mayor of warrnambool, henry t read town clerk of warrnambool, warrnambool breakwater, warrnambool jetty, warrnambool imports and exports 1875, warrnambool agriculture 1875, warrnambool business 1875, warrnambool population 1875, centennial exhibition philadelphia 1876, framed certificate

Siebe Gorman & Company Ltd was a British company that developed diving equipment and breathing equipment and worked on commercial diving and marine salvage projects. The company advertised itself as 'Submarine Engineers'. It was founded by Augustus Siebe, a German-born British engineer chiefly known for his contributions to diving equipment. Siebe Gorman traded as an engineering firm for over 180 years from 1819 to 1999. The early success of the business was due to its founder, the Prussian immigrant Christian 'Augustus' Siebe (1788-1872). For business reasons, he applied for and was granted British citizenship in 1856. He was a gifted engineer who was able to translate theoretical problems into practical, working products. During the industrial Victorian period, the business traded as 'A. Siebe' at 145 High Street Holborn London, but in 1828 new premises were acquired at 5 Denmark Street, Soho. The family firm produced a wide range of manufactured goods including paper-making machinery, measuring machinery, water pumps, refrigeration equipment, and diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe specialised in submarine engineering early on and the company gained a reputation for the manufacture of safe, reliable diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe is best remembered for the development and manufacture of the ‘closed’ Diving Dress based on the ideas of Charles and John Deane, George Edwards, and Charles Pasley. Apart from some small modifications to valves and diver communications, the basic 12 bolt ‘closed’ diving dress remained relatively unchanged after the 1870s. Later company successes were also based on innovation, with new products that could be successfully developed and manufactured to high standards. This was largely attributed to the inventive nature, foresight, engineering, and entrepreneurial skills of Robert Henry Davis (1870-1965). In 1882, RH Davis joined the company of 'Siebe & Gorman' as a young 11-year-old office boy and he was to remain with the company until he died in 1965. Augustus Siebe retired in 1869 and handed over the company to a new partnership of Henry H. Siebe (1830-1885) and William A. O'Gorman (1834-1904). The new firm traded as 'Siebe & Gorman' (1870-1879) from premises in and around Mason Street, Westminster Bridge Road, Lambeth, London. The two partners soon recognised the potential of R.H. Davis and in 1894, aged 24, he became General Manager of Siebe & Gorman. Davis increasingly ran the company until the surviving partner (W.A. Gorman) died in 1904. The firm was disposed of to the Vickers (armaments) family and a new company 'Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd.' (1905-1998) was formed. Under the chairmanship of Albert Vickers, R.H. Davis was kept on as Managing Director, and the company forged ahead. However, after WW1, the Great Depression caused manufacturing output and share prices to slump. In 1924 Robert Davis made a deal with the Vickers Board and acquired control of the company through majority shares. Under his leadership, the Siebe Gorman Company flourished and within time, four of his sons also joined the firm. The company gained a worldwide reputation for the manufacture of diving apparatus, decompression and observation chambers, and safety breathing apparatus of all types for use on the land, in the air, and under the sea (including mine rescue, tunneling, aircraft, diving, submarine escape and in other hazardous environments). Close research and development links with the MOD (especially the Admiralty), also provided a lucrative outlet for the company products. In 1932, Robert Davis was knighted by King George V, principally for his invention of the ‘Davis Submerged Escape Apparatus’ (D.S.E.A.). Siebe Gorman essentially remained a family firm from the beginning (under A.Siebe) until it became a public company for the first time in 1952. However, following WW2, British manufacturing stagnated through stifled investment and post-war austerity, and there was little innovation. Siebe Gorman's fortunes began to decline as an aging Sir Robert Davis failed to invest, or change the company's business and management practices. In 1959, Siebe Gorman was acquired by the “Fairy Group” and the ailing Sir Robert was made Life President. Consequently, nothing changed and the slow decline continued until Sir Robert's death in March 1965. Around 1960, Siebe Gorman acquired the diving apparatus manufacturer C E Heinke, and for a brief period, it manufactured some diving equipment under the combined name of Siebe Heinke. Around 1964, Mr E. 'Barry' Stephens was appointed as the new Managing Director to modernise Siebe Gorman. Changes were made, including a move to a new factory in Wales in 1975. The new company concentrated on fire-fighting breathing apparatus and escape equipment, and the move coincided with the loss of many of the older, traditional craft skills. Between 1985 and 1998, Siebe expanded through acquisitions, and several other companies were acquired. The Siebe Gorman (diving apparatus) company has therefore traded as A. Siebe (1819-1870); Siebe & Gorman (1870-1879); Siebe Gorman & Co (1880-1904); Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd (1905-1998). (For information regards the diving helmet & Frank King see Notes Section at the end of this document)The items are very significant as a snapshot into marine history and the development of diving equipment generally especially that used for salvage operations before and during WW2. The company that made the equipment was a leading inventor,developer and innovator of marine equipment with its early helmets and other items eagerly sought after today for collections around the world. The items in the Flagstaff Hill collection give us an insight as to how divers operated and the dangers they faced doing a very necessary and dangerous job. Frank Kings' diving helmet and compressor (communication pipe stored separately). Compressor is hand cranked. US Navy diving helmet, Mark V. Two maker's plates attached. Made in 1944.On rear "WATER SUPPLY" On front 'PATENT" " Logo: Images (Lion, Crown, Horse, Shield within an oval) "SIEBE, GORMAN & Co. Ltd. SUBMARINE ENGINEERS, LONDON.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, great ocean road, us navy diving helmet, commonwealth government salvage, diving helmet, marine salvage, frank king, diver, siebe. gorman & co ltd, submarine equipment, diving equipment, communication under water, hand cranked, diving compressor

First State Watch Factory: This factory was founded in 1930 under orders from Joseph Stalin, the "First State Watch Factory" was the first large-scale Soviet watch and mechanical movement manufacturer in the USSR. Via its USA-based trading company (Amtorg), the Soviet government bought the defunct Ansonia Clock Company of Brooklyn, New York in 1929, and the "Dueber-Hampden Watch Company of Canton", based in Ohio. The soviets moved twenty-eight freight cars full of machinery and parts from the USA to Moscow in order to establish the factory. Twenty-one former "Dueber-Hampden" watchmakers, engravers and various other technicians helped to train the Russian workers in the art of watchmaking as part of the Soviet's first five-year plan. The movements of very-early products were still stamped "Dueber-Hampden, Canton, Ohio, USA" (examples of these watches are very collectible today). In 1935 the factory was named after the murdered Soviet official Sergei Kirov. During the second world war, as the Germans closed in on Moscow in 1941, the factory was hurriedly evacuated to (Zlatoust USSR). By 1943 the Germans were in retreat, and the factory was moved back to Moscow, adopting the "First Moscow Watch Factory" name. In 1947 the first wristwatches under the brand name "Pobeda" and the first Marine Chronometers and Deck watches were produced. By 1951 the production of wristwatches had increased to 1.1 million. In 1975 new machinery and equipment for manufacturing complex watches were imported from Switzerland. The first chronograph called "Okean" (3133) was produced for the space station "Soyuz-23."The Chronometer is of recent manufacture and an excellent example of the type of instrument used to navigate the seas in the 19th century. It is of good quality and of a type regarded as very accurate and well made. The maker, First Watch Factory, has a dept that is still producing the "8916" standard Chronometer for horologists and collectors. Marine chronometer of Russian make in wooden case, metal handles on sides, inscription on a metal plaque on the front of the case. Polished square wooden outer case with green felt lining and, a leather carrying strap and buckle. Outer case is hinged and has a metal latch on the front. Outer case has a red velvet covering with a button and loop closure. Inscription on box are in Russian & translate as follows: ХРОНОМЕТР, = CHRONOMETER МОРСКОЙ, = NAUTICAL ГОСТ, 8916-77 = Gost ЛОЛ ЕТ, on dial face = LOL ETflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chonometer, russian, watch factory, marine, navigational instrument

In 1908 the Geelong Harbor Trust commissioners were George Frederick Holden, Edward Harewood Lascelles and James Hill. The officers were Walter S. Crowle (Secretary), A.C. McKenzie (Engineer), Captain G.A. Molland (Harbor Master), E.R. Hitch, (Assistant Harbor Master, Portarlington.)Red soft covered foolscap report of 101 pages. Includes two photographic reproductions of teh New Cargo Shed on Yarra Pier, and Twin S.S. "G.F. Holden" (formerly the 'Pelican' (built in 1898 by Fleming & Ferguson, Paisley, England, for the Western Australian Government).Seal of the Geelong Harbour Trust Commissionersgeelong, harbour trust, commissioners, report, finance, properties, dredging, portarlington, barwon heads, ocean grove, shipping, engineer's report, assets, liabilities, harbor trust, geelong harbor trust, grain shipping berthage, corio quay, cool stores, dock accomodation, floating plant, hopetoun channel, moorabool pier shed, sparrovale irrigation farm, thomas gibson-carmichael, yarra pier cargo

Herbert Leslie (Les) COBURN (1891-1956) Australia This work was commissioned by the SMB Council to hang in its chambers. It envisions the new Junior Technical School building and was illustrated in the same year the Ballarat Technical Art School building officially opened. Les Coburn was a student at the Art School between 1908 and 1916. Coburn and his business partner, Percival Selwyn Richards (1865-1952), became joint instructors in architecture and building construction at the school from 1920, with Coburn continuing until 1948. Watercolour plan drawing on paper of Ballarat School of Mines showing the Museum, Administration building, Technical Art School, and proposed Junior Technical School, Ballarat School of Mines Botanical Gardens, and the Ballarat Gaol Governor's Residence. ballarat school of mines museum, ballarat technical art school, ballarat junior technical school, watercolour, cr. h. l. coburn, aerial, ballarat school of mines, birdseye view, h.l. coburn, herbert leslie coburn, les coburn

This item is from the ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art, and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the lack of financial support led the WMI in 1911 to ask the City Council to take it over. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Library as it was then called. When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Ralph Pattison. Eventually the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. RALPH ERIC PATTISON Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up home in Warrnambool. In 1935 Pattison accepted a position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council. His huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower area of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine, and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave during 1942 to 1942 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969. About Ion L Idriess Ion Llewellyn Idriess was born in Waverley, Sydney, New South Wales on 20th September 1889 and passed away on 6th June 1979 in Mona Vale, Sydney, New South Wales at the age 89. After Idriess finished school he worked in the assay office of Broken Hill Proprietary mine. Both Idriess and his mother had typhoid fever when Ion was about 15 years old and it caused his mother’s death. After spending time with his Grandmother in Sydney he found work on a paddle-steamer and had a relapse of the fever. He then went into the western district of New South Wales where he worked in many different itinerant jobs, including rabbit poisoner, boundary rider, drover, sandalwood harvester, shearer, dingo shooter and opal miner. While opal mining at Lightning Ridge he wrote short stories, about life on the opal fields, for the Bulletin using the name “Gouger”. Idriess then moved to North Queensland in search of gold, tin and sandalwood. He travelled over a great deal of the Cape York Peninsula spending a lot of this travel time with local indigenous people; thus began his lifelong interest in their customs. He then spent time on cattle stations in the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 1914 Idriess travelled to Townsville and enlisted in the 5th Light Horse as a trooper. He became a specialist in sniping and was a spotter for the noted sniper Billy Sing. He saw service in Palestine, Sinai and Turkey. Idriess was wounded at Beersheba and after fighting the Battle of Gaza he was invalided home in March 1918. After recovering from his wounds Idriess again travelled to Cape York Peninsula where he worked with pearlers and missionaries in the Torres Strait Islands. He then went gold mining in Papua New Guinea, buffalo shooting in the Northern Territory of Australia and then exploring in Central and Western Australia. LITERARY WORKS OF IDRIESS In 1928 Idriess settled in Sydney and published the first of his 47 books. In 1931 - “Lasseter’s Last Ride”, became his first best seller. In the years 1932 and 1940 he published three books in each year. “The Cattle King” (1936) and “Flynn of the Inland” (1932) have gone through reprinting forty to fifty times. His last book was published in 1969. Idriess’ books where in general non-fiction and were written in a colourful and immediate story style, taken from life experiences gained during his travels. Idriess was appointed an Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (OBE) for his service to literature in 1968. The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. About Ion L Idriess Ion Llewellyn Idriess was born in Waverley, Sydney, New South Wales on 20th September 1889 and passed away on 6th June 1979 in Mona Vale, Sydney, New South Wales at the age 89. After Idriess finished school he worked in the assay office of Broken Hill Proprietary mine. Both Idriess and his mother had typhoid fever when Ion was about 15 years old and it caused his mother’s death. After spending time with his Grandmother in Sydney he found work on a paddle-steamer and had a relapse of the fever. He then went into the western district of New South Wales where he worked in many different itinerant jobs, including rabbit poisoner, boundary rider, drover, sandalwood harvester, shearer, dingo shooter and opal miner. While opal mining at Lightning Ridge he wrote short stories, about life on the opal fields, for the Bulletin using the name “Gouger”. Idriess then moved to North Queensland in search of gold, tin and sandalwood. He travelled over a great deal of the Cape York Peninsula spending a lot of this travel time with local indigenous people; thus began his lifelong interest in their customs. He then spent time on cattle stations in the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 1914 Idriess travelled to Townsville and enlisted in the 5th Light Horse as a trooper. He became a specialist in sniping and was a spotter for the noted sniper Billy Sing. He saw service in Palestine, Sinai and Turkey. Idriess was wounded at Beersheba and after fighting the Battle of Gaza he was invalided home in March 1918. After recovering from his wounds Idriess again travelled to Cape York Peninsula where he worked with pearlers and missionaries in the Torres Strait Islands. He then went gold mining in Papua New Guinea, buffalo shooting in the Northern Territory of Australia and then exploring in Central and Western Australia. LITERARY WORKS OF IDRIESS In 1928 Idriess settled in Sydney and published the first of his 47 books. In 1931 - “Lasseter’s Last Ride”, became his first best seller. In the years 1932 and 1940 he published three books in each year. “The Cattle King” (1936) and “Flynn of the Inland” (1932) have gone through reprinting forty to fifty times. His last book was published in 1969. Idriess’ books where in general non-fiction and were written in a colourful and immediate story style, taken from life experiences gained during his travels. Idriess was appointed an Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (OBE) for his service to literature in 1968. Fortunes in Minerals Author: Ion Idriess Publisher: Angus & Robertson Date: 1954 Label on spine with typed text PAT 549 IDR Inside front cover has a sticker that reads Corangamite Regional Library Service warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, pattison collection, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, ralph eric pattison, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, ion idriess, fortunes in minerals

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Used at School of mines and industries Ballarat As H.V. McKay's Sunshine Harvester business expanded there was a requirement for a school to train the company's apprentices. In 1911, H.V. McKay wrote to the Victoria Cabinet offering 2,000 pounds and 4 1/2 acres of land in Derby Rd for a technical school, On the 7th July 1913, the new Sunshine Technical School opened with a wooded administration building with six class rooms and a large galvanised iron workshop for the trade apprentices. Mr George Baxter was appointed principal with assistant teachers, A.J. Dunlop (Maths & English), W.W. Anderson (Art) & H.B. Ernest (Maths & Science). Seventy students were enrolled in the first year of which 44 were apprentices from the Harvester Works. During the First World War Years (1914 - 1918) there was a difficulties with staffing and enrollments. The school was also used to provide vocational training for wounded returned soldiers. In 1919 during the great influenza epidemic the school was used as a hospital. ​Light blue soft covered booklet of 60 pages with information about office bearers, staff, objects of the school, prizes and scholarships, examinations, time tables, courses, and subjects. It has photographs and advertising.sunshine, technical school, sunshine technical school, prospectus, hugh victor mckay, r.m. lambert, george mckay, d.b. ferguson, samuel mckay, george bult, ralph mckay, george butlin, george baxter, f.s. midgley, j.b. gray, w. kerr, a.j. dunlop, h. ernst, w.w. anderson, f. cleary, school councillors, staff, blacksmithing, carpentry, fitting and turning, moulding, sheet metal, mathematis, english, science, art, 1914, h v mckay, sunshine harvester, 2000 pounds and land donated, wounded returned soldiers, 1919 ued as hospital, influenza epidemic

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech

Photographs from Ringwood Technical School Reunion. Note: If anyone in these photographs does not want their image to be visible on the Victorian Collections public website, please email [email protected] with a request to remove that photo. This Reunion was held at York on Lilydale, Lilydale, Victoria on March 27 2010, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the school commencing in February 1960 in the newly-completed building as a co-educational campus. Prior to that it had operated on two separate, temporary campuses until the new school was ready: - at Ferntree Gully Technical School in 1958 for 100 Form 1 boys, then the following year in spare rooms at Lilydale State School for 200 Form 1 and 2 boys - at Box Hill Girls' Technical School in 1959 for 100 Form 1 girls The Reunion was organised by Joan Pickford, helped by several other past students. Joan worked exceptionally hard to organise the reunion and the materials displayed on the night. The beautiful RTS banner that we all walked past in the school's main corridor all those years ago, was there in all its glory - the only RTS relic that wasn't showing its age on the night. It was a great event and well-attended. The noise of people chatting and swapping stories was deafening. Some of the 1958-59 original students, and teachers from the1960s onwards were there. People brought along their photos and memorabilia. Some wore their ties and badges which still fitted after all those years. One former prefect wore his old blazer, which must have shrunk in the wardrobe but reminded many of us of those carefree times at school.. Best of all was the re-kindling of memories, and renewing and consolidation of friendships started at the school all those years ago. (This background provided by Liz Seaton, September 2022) This record contains 10 of the 57 photographs taken at the RTS Reunion 27 March 2010. Records 21009-1 to -6 contain the full collection. The photographs were copied from a CD provided by Photographer Belinda Dinami. rts, ringwood tech