An interesting document outlining the evolution of the tradition of pausing in silence for remembrance on 11 November each year. The account outlines how King George V decreed a two minute silence be held at the first anniversary of the Armistice - originally referred to as Peace Day. The events included a letter written by Edward George Honey, an Australian journalist, proposing the idea on 8 May 1919. In it part of it says: "Should not this be the spirit of at least a fragment of our Peace Day? Communion with the Glorious Dead who won us Peace, and from the communion new strength, hope and faith in the morrow, Church services, too, if you will, but in the street, the home, the theatre, anywhere, indeed, where Englishmen and their women chance to be, surely this five minutes of bitter-sweet silence there will be service enough. Before and afterwards, sing and make merry as we will. Of one thing, I am quite certain, and the tis that our songs will take a deeper, truer note after those five minutes of remembrance We will have gathered from them strength for the morrow. God knows we need it!" The document was produced by a committee that was proposing a memorial to Edward Honey to record his role. It was forwarded too H.G. Brain, presumably a Legatee who could bring this information to Legacy's attention. Items were in an envelope with other photos and programmes from different items relating to the Shrine of Remembrance - including discussions on its location and design. Labelled 'Shrine of Remembrance S1 - S14' it was part of an old archive numbering system, that showed there has been efforts in the past to collect, order and save items of Legacy's history. (01181 - 01190, 01206 - 01212).A record of a committee approaching Legacy about a memorial to the man who suggested the adoption of silence as a form of remembrance in 1919. Also there was an effort to record historical events by the "Archive Committee" which collected this and other documents relating to the Shrine together in a file (see items 01181 - 01190, 01206 - 01212)A thirteen page report typed on buff paper in a dark brown card cover, on a proposed memorial to Edward Honey. Also a letter dated 20 March 1964 from the Memorial Committee to Mr H G Brain that accompanied the report.Handwritten 'S13' in red pen on top left of of the letter which is signed Roy Gordon in blue ink. memorial, remembrance day

A history of the Big Culvert in the Cumberland Reserve and its link to the Yarra TrackPaperback. Front cover has an old photograph of the big culvert.Marysville, Vic. 3779./ January, 1992. Dear Reader,/ I hope you'll enjoy sharing with me an account of some of the excitement and/ drama of events through history on the old Yarra Track. This Reserve is, of course,/ in the heart of one of the world's great hardwood forests, where generations of my/ family have lived and worked./ Some levels of elevation top the 4000 ft. mark, as it is part of the Great Dividing/Range in Victoria. I have collected just a few aspects of early times and would like/ to say thanks for the encouragement I have received, to write about one of my/ favourite subjects./ Ann Thomas With Best Wishes / Ann Thomas / 12.7.92 Stamp of Marysville & District / Historical Society Inc / P.O. Box 22 / Marysville 3779big culvert, cumberland reserve, yarra track, victoria, history

Donated by Ruth McConveyPostcard Folder with 6 coloured photographs and 6 black & white photographs of San Remo, Victoria.268-01 The Bridge San Remo Vic 268-02 Back Beach San Remo Vic (actually says "Black Beach") 268-03 Panorama from Lookout, San Remo, Vic. 268-04 Looking towards San Remo from Phillip Island, Vic. 268-05 The Pier from Bridge, San Remo, Vic. 268-06 San Remo from Newhaven, Vic. 268-07 Western Port Hotel, San Remo, Vic. 268-08 Entrance to Main Street, San Remo, Vic. 268-09 Koala Bears 268-10 San Remo Hotel, San Remo, Vic. 268-11 the Pier and Bridge, San Remo, Vic. 268-12 Main Street, San Remo, Vic.san remo victoria australia, suspension bridge san remo/phillip island, ruth mcconvey

The "letters to Lillie" show the international nature of the Mission to Seafarers. They are an important display of the handwriting style of the time, revealing courting attempts and give us an insight into life in 1925.Lillie Duncan was a member of the Harbour Lights Guild and this letter forms part of a collection of letters sent to her by different seafarers.Letter addressed to Miss L Duncan, 11 Paxton St, East Malvern, Melbourne, Australia from Howard in four parts: Part 1.1 (0008.1) Envelope Part 1.2 (0008.2) First page of letter Part 1.3 (0008.3) Second page of letter Part 1.4 (0008.4) Third page of letter The envelope is blue grey in colour whilst the pages are creamy yellow in colour. Page 1 of the letter begins with the salutation "My dear Lillie, here comes the promised letter...". Page 2 of the letter begins with "...in her birthday book". Page 3 of the letter concludes with "...yours Joe".The envelope is torn across the top for access to its contents. It has two stamps, a circular one in black ink towards the top left of the envelope reading "Durban, 2, May 21, 5.45AM, 1925", and a rectangular one coloured red and white reading "Union of South Africa, Postage, 2d" on the left-hand side of the circle and the right-hand side circle seems to say the same in South African perhaps. It is obscured by 6 large ink lines covering the top portion of the envelope from left to right. Within the circle is a mans head showing his left side profile. He has a beard and short hair. On the right side of the red and white stamp there is a second ink stamp that is also obscured but seems to be the same ink stamp as the first. letter, joe, handwriting, 1925, lillie duncan, lhlg, durban, lillian duncan, ladies harbour lights guild, mission to seafarers, mission to seamen, seamen's mission, east malvern, my little melbourne girl

Postcard from WWI soldier William West (1268) of the 29 Infantry Battalion, 5th Pioneers Battalion while posted in Egypt to his family at home.Embroidered silk postcards were first made in 1900 for the Paris Exposition. The popularity of silk postcards peaked during the First World War 1914 - 1918.They were mostly embroidered by French women in their homes and then sent to the factories for cutting and mounting on cards. Many of the cards were illustrated with patriotic symbols, flags, slogans, or sentimental texts. During the First World War, many Allied officers and soldiers based in France sent silk embroidered postcards to their loved ones back homeWhite rectangular postcard with embroidered foliate and flowers bordering a message. Handwritten message on back.Front: "Remind / France" (embroidered) Back: "1268 2 of 5 Pioneers Battalion" "Egypt / May 28 1916" "My dear Alice just a PC to let you know I'm well and hope you are all the same I got a letter from you yesterday and Enid PC but I have not got the money yet did you ??? if you need not send enny more till I send for it well I have not seen joe since you say you are goin gto town for a trip it will not hurt you i wish I was going to will my eyes are a bit weak yet it is the sand and flys. well this is all at present. Best love to all from your loving husband Will xxxxx"wwi, postcard, embroidered postcard, carte postale

The Ruyton Reporter (formerly known as Ruyton Reports) captures the essential Ruyton Girls' School experience for the broader school community. It has been produced since 1986.The record has strong historic significance as it pertains to one of the oldest girls' school in Victoria, Australia. Ruyton was founded in 1878 in the Bulleen Road, Kew, home of newly widowed Mrs Charlotte Anderson (now High Street South). Thus, the record can be used as a reference example for research into Victorian school history. It also gives insight into the types of activities and events undertaken at Ruyton Girls' School during the period of its production. The record's significance is further enhanced by its exceptionally well-documented provenance, having remained the property of Ruyton Girls' School since its production.Colour publication printed on paper with staple binding. 12 pages.Front Page: 2 / 0 / the RUYTON / REPORTER / 0 / spring / 0 / welcome Mrs Anderson / Board President Fay Marles AM greets our new Principal, Carolyn Anderson / STOP PRESS / Email: [email protected] / PRINT POST APPROVED / PP 341999 00026 / As our School Song says... 12 Selbourne Rd / "At sport we've made a lasting name / Our Old Girls too uphold our fame" Kew VIC 3101 / R / Congratulations to Olympians, RECTE ET FIDE LITER Tel: 9819 2422 / Georgina Douglas ('90) 5th in Single Sculls / Claire Mitchell-Taverner ('88) member of Fax: 9818 4790 / the Gold Medal Hockeyroos team / Visit our NEW Website: www.ruyton.vic.edu.au /ruyton girls' school, ruyton, school, students, newsletter, ruyton reports, ruyton news, kew, victoria, melbourne, girls school

A post card sent to Master J. Brenner of "Chippenham" Railway Parade, Williamstown by his cousin Ethel for his collection. The connection to Legacy is not known. This postcard is the Country life. Series V registered postcard number 9180. Was named "OILETTE" and was produced and printed by Raphael Tuck & Sons, the date is unknown. This item represents a serie of artistic postcards created in England and even though its year of making is unknown possess an aesthetic significance about the kind of postcards produced by Raphael Tuck & Sons.Postcard with of a country scene with a boy holding a donkey. Handwritten: Dear Cousin, Mother says she promised she would send you some postcards. I am sending these & hope you will like them for your collection. Your Cousin. Ethel. / Master J. Brenner "Chippenham" Railway P. Williamstown. Front side: Printed in photo, "CHUMS" / Handwriten photo sign, [?]lette. Back side: Printed on paper, printed symbols / Raphael Tuck & Sons' "OILETTE" [Regd.]Postcard 9180. / COUNTRY LIFE. Series V. / ART PUBLISHERS TO THEIR MAJESTIES THE KING & QUEEN / Printed in England / If sent Abroad, this space may only be used for Name and Address of Sender. / CARTE POSTALE. / TUCK'S POST CARD. / POSTKARTE. / (For Address Only.) / [Stamp] VICTORIA, POSTAGE, ONE PENNY, 1d. souvenir, world war one

One of a series of four boards of mounted replica medals of the Australian Defence Forces. This board shows medals pertaining to conflicts and operations post 1975 including those supporting the United Nations in several countries. The boards were on display in the Melbourne Legacy Foyer cabinets until June 2017.A record that Legacy holds some war memorabilia as Legatees were once solely returned servicemen.Replica medals, ribbons and bars from several conflicts and operations post 1975 mounted on silk inserts into green boards plus additional ribbons and bars.Title inscribed in brass plaques say: Australian Active Service Medal 1975, Australian Active Service Medal 1975, International Force East Timor Medal, Afghanistan Medal, Iraq Medal, Australian Service Medal 1975, Australian Service Medal 1975, Australian Service Medal 1975, Rhodesia Medal, Humanitarian Overseas Service Medal, NATO Medal. UN Headquarters Medal, UN Transitional Authority in Namibia, UN Mission for the referendum in Western Sahara, UN Advance Mission in Cambodia. UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia, UN Operation in Somalia, UN operation in Mozambique, UN Assistance in Rwanda, UN Assistance in East Timor, UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea, UN Medal for Special Service and Multinational Force and Observers Medal.medals, united nations

Handwritten copy of Bendigo Advertiser reports of water in New Chum Mines. (1) 'The water rose yesterday, 9 feet in the Victoria Quartz mine and now at 3215 ft. Bgo. Adv 6/7/1910 page 7. (2) 'New Chum Mines. Futile attempts to cope with water. Despite the fact that bailing is being carried on steadily, the water has risen 55 feet in the last 24 hours, and is now up to 3160 feet. New Chum Consolidated has since last week raised 327,000 galls, but the bailing has made no perceptible difference. The Lazarus to start on Monday.' Bgo Adv 9/7/1910 Page 9. (3) Letter to Adv by A. L.N. Excerpts. 'Bailing should have commenced at New Chum Railway.' 'The bulk of water is at South end. 3.5 million galls per month, divided between South Belle Vue, Eureka Extended and New Chum Railway.' 'In black and white, the Railway in the wet season, July last year with the aid of the Cornish Lift, raised 2.25 million galls, besides attending to those employed below.' 'Safe to say that 3.5 million galls per month could be raised from the present water level.' 'The plant is strong with abundance of steam space which would allow the firewood to be used economically under the barborous Cornish Boiler or wood-eaters'. Bgo Adv 14/7/1910. Document from Albert Richardson Collection of mining history.document, gold, drainage problems, new chum drainage association, water in new chum mines, victoria quartz, new chum consolidated, lazarus, new chum railway, south belle vue, eureka extended, cornish lift, bendigo advertiser 6/7/1910 page 7, bendigo advertiser 9/7/1910 page 9, bendigo advertiser 14/7/1910

13 April 1972. Bendigo Says Good-bye to the Trams. A1 sheet - double sided. Tramway history 1890 - 1972, 2 copies. At the stroke of 5 pm from Eaglehawk Town Hall clock 82 years of history will end as the last tram makes its sentimental journey to the city, while at the Bendigo Cemetery - the Quarry Hill line terminus - another tram will be leaving for its last resting place. Other articles include: Four Eras, of trams. The Trammies, covering Ballarat, Geelong in the form of a poem. 1927 and all that, by Basil Miller, remembering his 45 years of service with the trams. How it all started, The twin communities of Sandhurst and Eaglehawk were relatively early in considering the possibility of operating street tramways within their boundaries. Cabs, Battery Cars, Construction, Strikes, Bendigo 1890 to 1972 - Tramways. Man and his Mates, continued from previous page, Explosion, Touchy Task, A Quickey, Horrors. Electric in 1903, There was excitement galore in the City during April, 1903 - and the Advertiser recorded the progress of the new-fangled electric machine. One man's Memories, Tough times, humour, tragedy and comradeship - they all came flooding back as former Bendigo tramway-man Tom Griffiths recently turned the clock back. Keb Sir Keb Sir? 'Keg sir? Tram off the line,' was the call of the cabbies when a train pulled in at the Bendigo railway station. Altered Shopping Trend, With advent of the electric tram in Bendigo came change in shopping habits.bendigo trams

Mrs Sheila Parkinson was born in Wagga in 1916 and came to Beechworth as a young woman around 1938. Sheila trained as a psychiatric nurse at Mayday Hills hospital prior to the second World War. At that time, unmarried women were accommodated and received nursing training on-site. Shiela was obliged to cease professional training and employment when she married in 1941, which disrupted completion of her final nursing examinations. Following post-war changes to the law that allowed married women to work, Sheila returned to Mayday Hills. Sheila's husband, Don, returned to Beechworth after four years abroad as a serviceman in the Australian Air Force. Beechworth's institutions were a major source of local employment throughout the twentieth century. As well as providing limited employment opportunities to young women like Shiela, post-war European migrants from Bonegilla Migrant camp found at Mayday Hills, encouraging European migrant settlement in the district. Mayday Hills was renamed several times since its establishment in 1867. At the peak of operations, it comprised sixty-seven buildings housing over twelve hundred patients patients and five hundred staff. The hospital officially closed in 1998. Today, the decommissioned two-storey Italianate style main building stands on eleven hectares of botanical gardens under National Trust protection. The site remains a popular cultural heritage destination for visitors. This oral history recording was part of a project conducted by Jennifer Williams in the year 2000 to capture the everyday life and struggles in Beechworth during the twentieth century. This project involved recording seventy oral histories on cassette tapes of local Beechworth residents which were then published in a book titled: Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth century Beechworth. The cassette tapes were digitised in July 2021 with funds made available by the Friends of the Burke.Employed as a psychiatric nurse at one of Beechworth's large welfare institutions, Mayday Hills, Mrs Sheila Parkinson recalls the conditions faced by staff and patients at the hospital, which cared for chronically ill people from the Ovens region and patients from the Yarra Bend Asylum, Melbourne, which closed in 1925. When Sheila first began her nurse training, Mayday Hills suffered from a lack of resources and rudimentary facilities and patients frequently suffered from the cold due to poor heating and inadequate clothing and bedding. However, as the twentieth century progressed, Sheila recalls how conditions and treatments improved as a result of increased government funding of services and advances in psychiatry and pharmaceutical medicine. Mrs Sheila Parkinson's oral history recording is historically and socially significant for its witness to life in Beechworth in the pre- and post-WWII period. Sheila's story enriches our understanding of processes of modernisation with regard to psychiatric and welfare services, while the course of Sheila's professional training and employment brings attention to systemic and socio-economic barriers faced by women, as well as the valuable contribution women and migrants make in the delivery of care and ancillary services. This oral history account is socially and historically significant as it is a part of a broader collection of interviews conducted by Jennifer Williams which were published in the book 'Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth-century Beechworth.' While the township of Beechworth is known for its history as a gold rush town, these accounts provide a unique insight into the day-to-day life of the town's residents during the twentieth century, many of which would have been lost if they had not been preserved.This is a digital copy of a recording that was originally captured on a cassette tape. The cassette tape is black with a horizontal white strip and is currently stored in a clear flat plastic rectangular container. It holds up 40 minutes of recordings on each side.Mrs Sheila Parkinson /twentieth century beechworth, mayday hills, psychiatric care, benevolent asylums, nursing, wwii, psychiatric treatment, country women, psychiatric hostpital, beechworth's institutions, local employment, government institutions, listen to what they say, oral history, burke museum, sheila parkinson, beechworth lunatic asylum, beechworth mental hospital, beechworth hospital for the insane, the kerferd clinic, bonegilla migrant camp, working women, white australia policy

Newspaper advertisement: Diamond Valley News, 27 May 1980, Exhibition, Peter Accadia, pottery, and Helen Webber, tapestries. Newspaper article: Five for the price of one, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, July 8, 1986, p27; exhibition of five artists at Eltham Gallery. On reverse, numerous advertisements for food and entertainment Newspaper advertisement: The Age ,17 June 1989, Exhibition, Donald Ramsay "Watching the river flow". Newspaper article: Landmark gallery says goodbye, Diamond Valley Leader, 24 November 2004, Gallery site sold to Sentinel Equities, present tenant Julie Skate, quotes from former part-owner Val Murray. Newspaper article: Rift over gallery plans, Diamond Valley Leader, 21 February 2007, purchasers Jethro Tull and Suzanne Still plan to build offices, gallery and cafe; Eltham Gateway Action Group objected while supporting need for a gallery elsewhere. Newspaper article: New try for gallery-cafe ready soon, Diamond Valley Leader, 18 April 2007, purchaser Jethro Tull to have a new plan ready in two weeks for gallery and cafe. Newspaper article: Gateway for artists, Diamond Valley Leader, 25 May 2007, Jenni Mitchell opened a new gallery pending decision by Nillumbik Council. Newspaper article: Art gallery proposal rejected, Diamond Valley Leader, 30 May 2007, Nillumbik Council against planned new building. Newspaper article: Artful win for gallery, Diamond Valley Leader, 30 January 2008, VCAT approved mudbrick art gallery. Newspaper article: Rocky road to create a landmark, Diamond Valley Leader, 13 February 2008, VCAT approved Robert Marshall's design, artists's impression, Eltham Gateway Action Group opposed.main road, property, businesses, eltham gallery, wiregrass gallery, eltham gateway action group, robert marshall, mud brick building, eltham (vic), 559 main road eltham, artists, bernhard rust, bob smith, jan neil, john adams, marian sussex, michael wilson, tony dopheide, 47-55 main street diamond creek, 50 were street montmorency, 55 rattray road montmorency, 410 main road lower plenty, abbey of diamond creek, adams north riding restaurant, advertising, eltham barrel, montmorency, mustard seed restaurant, peking house restaurant, st andrews, tamara's

This photograph was found in the Orbost Historical Society's cupboard. School is unknown. A copy of this photograph has been donated by Gil and Heather Richardson via the Mary Gilbert Collection. It is probably of students of Jarrahmond school where Miss Cope was the head teacher C 1916. This photograph could be associated with a celebration of Empire Day. The celebration of Queen Victoria's birthday on May 24 was renamed Empire Day in 1903 after her death in 1901. It was celebrated throughout the British Empire culminating in fireworks and bonfires in the evening. Empire Day was first introduced in 1905 to promote loyalty among the dominion countries of the British Empire. (from https://dictionaryofsydney.org/event/empire_day) Celebrated on 24 May, Queen Victoria's birthday, it was directed especially at school children. Teachers were encouraged to promote special steps to develop a feeling of pride in the British Empire and the achievements of the British race. Often a morning of short addresses, recitations and patriotic songs such as 'Rule Britannia' and 'Advance Australia' was followed by a half-day holiday to mark the celebration of Australia's strong ties to the British Empire. (from MuseumsVictoria) Some identified are; Top row -E- Eva Trewin; N-Rita Mundy; G-Elva Trewin; N- Jack Mundy D-Jack Trewin Middle row - Miss Cope, teacher. I Daisy or Katie McLeod Front row - L -Jack Stephenson; A Lindsay Trewin ; N-Frank Richardson Helena Warren was a self-taught photographer who became both the local press correspondent and a producer of humorous trompe l'oeil postcard images. The photographer, was a thirty-two year old settler living on a small mixed farm with her husband, William, at Newmerella, near Orbost in Gippsland, Victoria, when she bought her first camera, an Austral Box quarter-plate. Her family says she was entirely self-taught. Although not clearly dentified the photograph has significance in its association with Helen Frances Warren, a popular Orbost identity who was well known as an accomplished photographer and needleworker, It is associated with education in Orbost.A very old and damaged photograph of students an a teacher under a tree. The students are holding up cards that read "England, Ireland, Scotland". The photo is on a black card frame. a woman is standing on the left. Children are posed into three rows. There is also a copy of this photograph.photograph-helena-warren education-jarrahmond

1 Russell Street was built in 1888 and from 1888–1905 (maybe 1911, as his death notice says he died at Russell Street) it was the home of James Burrell, a blacksmith. His smithy was on the corner of Canterbury Road. In 1893 a block of land (No.3 ) was bought to establish the fire station and James Burrell acted as fire officer and stored the reel and hose until the station was built. From 1911–1928 it was the fire station residence, as the brigade gained status. James Burrell (1860-1911) married Elizabeth Wilson (1862-1925). She was daughter of Edward Wilson. They had 4 children: James Herbert, known as Bert (1888-1953); Aleck (1890-1951); William Spencer, known as Bill, (1893-1976) and Elsie May (1898-1990). Both James and Elizabeth Burrell are buried in Burwood Cemetery. From 1930–1943 Michael Ginnane, retired station master, and members of his family lived in the house. Michael Ginnane (1864-1935) married Annie Mary Brock (1868-1945). Both were born in the Ballarat area. They had 10 children. From 1913-1917 he was station master at Woodend. In the 1925 electoral rolls the family is listed as living at Surrey Hills station. There was a station master's house adjacent to the station (demolished and the site now part of the car park accessed off Blackburn Street). They are again listed here in the 1925 electoral roll. By 1931 they are at 1 Russell Street and he is listed as a retired station master. The following children lived in Surrey Hills: John James (Clerk) - 1922 Mary Ellen (HD) - 1922, 1925, 1931 Michael Thomas (labourer) - 1922 Annie Florence (dressmaker) - 1925, 1931 William Patrick (railwayman) - 1925 Elizabeth Catherine (sales) - 1931 Patrick Leo (postman) - 1931. A black and white photograph taken on an angle from across the street of a mid-late Victorian style cottage with multi-coloured brickwork. There is a large tree in the front garden, no fence and a letterbox on a lean.(mr) james burrell, blacksmiths, canterbury road, surrey hills, fire officers, (mr) michael ginnane, station masters, fire stations, mid-victorian style, (miss) elizabeth wilson, (mrs) elizabeth burrell, james herbert burrell, aleck burrell, william (bill) spencer burrell, elsie may burrell, (miss) annie mary brock, (mrs) annie mary ginnane, john james ginnane, (miss) mary ellen ginnane, michael thomas ginnane; (miss) annie florence ginnane; william patrick ginnane; elizabeth catherine ginnane; patrick leo ginnanean), late-victorian style, russell street

Richard Bennett was the first born child of Richard Bennett and Ann Isabella Kirk in February 1828 in London England. His father was a silk weaver. His family came to Sydney in 1833 but then returned to England in 1837. Richard came out himself in 1843 when he undertook a training course on the care of sheep. He first visited Belfast in January 1846 and described it as being" The centre of a large squatting district". In 1853 he married Elizabeth Nicholson Watson at St Johns Church of England Belfast Victoria. They had 11 children, 6 registered in Victoria and the other 5 born in New South Wales. Richard's aunt (or sister some sources say) Isabella married into "Belfast Royalty" by marrying Lloyd Rutledge in 1852 and they built 'Cooinda' in 1855 and lived there. However, Lloyd apparently fell down the steps drunk one night in 1858 and broke his neck. Richard's brother Ryder Bennett was Rutledge's accountant. (William or Lloyd?) Richard's sister Matilda married James Mylne knight. Richard Bennett worked on a number of properties in the district as well as heading to New South Wales in 1858 -1870 then he returned to the Port Fairy Area. He established the River Shaw Wool Scouring establishment at Yambuk in 1876 but by 1879 he had moved his business to the banks of the Merri River Dennington. He retired in 1887 and lived the rest of his life in Warrnambool. He died on 11th September 1904. Richard Bennett wrote many letters to the local newspapers regarding the early history of the district in 1984 these letters were published under the title "Richard Bennett's Early Days of Port Fairy" A book named "Richard Bennett's Early Days of Port Fairy" was edited by Jan Crichett using his letters Early settler noted for his letters regarding the Early Days of Port FairyBlack and white portrait of gentleman with a squared collarpionner, bennett, richard, dennington., early days of port fairy, river shaw wool scouring

A photo of Professor Geoffrey Blainey speaking at a the public launch of Legacy Week at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre. The date is 23 August 1988. Also a photo of John Lady and Terry Hawksley. The attached label says: " Melbourne Legacy held its first official public launch - a luncheon for Melbourne's leading business community at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre to highlight 'Legacy Week'. Professor Geoffrey Blainey, AO, addressed the guests and was joined by Legacy's 1988 personality, Australia's first under 4 minute miler, John Lady." They were in a folio of photos from 1988. (see also 001042 to 01049) From Wikipedia: "Geoffrey Norman Blainey AC, FAHA, FASSA (born 11 March 1930) is an Australian historian, academic, philanthropist and commentator with a wide international audience. Biographer Geoffrey Bolton argues that he has played multiple roles as an Australian historian: He first came to prominence in the 1950s as a pioneer in the neglected field of Australian business history....He produced during the 1960s and 1970s a number of surveys of Australian history in which explanation was organized around the exploration of the impact of the single factor (distance, mining, pre-settlement Aboriginal society).... Blainey next turned to the rhythms of global history in the industrial period.... Because of his authority as a historian, he was increasingly in demand as a commentator on Australian public affairs." From the name badges the attendees included: 1. Geoffrey Blainey. 2. John Landy and Terry Hawksley. 3. A girl and L/ Geoff Swan. 4. L/ David Millie and Jim Madden. 5. John ? and L/ Colin Bannister. 6. Patsy Adam-Smith (?) and artist Geoffrey Mallett. 7. ? and Jim Dickson. 8. Peter Prior and Abe Birmingham. 9. President Chas Wilks speaking. 10. President Chas Wilks and Rupe Thomas.A record of celebrities being involved in promoting Legacy Week in 1988 and an official launch at Victorian Arts Centre.Colour photo x 10 of public launch of Legacy Week in 1988.Yellow paper label explaining the event in black type.legacy week, legacy promotion, speakers

A document containing a speech by Colonel A. N. Kemsley, E.D. at a weekly luncheon at Legacy sometime in the early 1950s. He presented details of the initial building of the Shrine and the changes being made to commemorate the second world war, such as the forecourt and new cenotaph and flagpoles. He mentions the upcoming Anzac Day in 1953. After the first world war there was a decision made to create a memorial. Legatees were involved in the process at various times and capacities. In particular Legatee Kemsley was vocal in idea of a structure over a utilitarian memorial (such as a hospital or a park) - see letter at 01182. These notes include the resolution that passed at the Melbourne Town Hall at a public meeting: "That this meeting of citizens confirm the launching of an appeal by the Lord Mayor to establish a National War Memorial by means of a monument and that an executive committee with the Lord Mayor as Chairman with power to add and point sub-committees be formed to carry out the project." Also that 20 sites were selected for consideration in 1921. Although the St Kilda Road site was favoured early on, by 1926 there was pressure to change to a "provision of square" and Cenotaph at the intersection of Spring and Bourke Streets. Legacy Clubs voiced their opposition to this proposal by passing a resolution "That the Melbourne Legacy Club, representative of the returned soldiers in business in this city, whilst welcoming the Anzac Square Scheme as a city improvement, cannot support it as a War Memorial scheme and affirms its support for the Shrine of Remembrance in the Domain as the only War Memorial worthy of Victoria's unparalleled efforts in the Great War." The document was in an envelope with a letter dated 30 April 1971 (01182) that also outlines the efforts Legacy (especially L/- Kemsley) went through to promote the construction of the Shrine of Remembrance over a proposed square. The envelope says 'The Origin of the Shrine of Remembrance p/p Legatees Kemsley and Joynt'. And the initial 'JMBA'?. It was in a file with other documents concerning the Shrine and it's history.A record of the events that led to the construction of the Shrine of Remembrance as noted by a Legatee at the time. There was an effort to record historical events for the "Archive Committee" which collected this an other documents relating to the Shrine together in a file (see items 01181 - 01190, 01206 - 01212)White quarto paper x 8 pages of black type of a speech given by Legatee Kemsley.S6 in red penmemorial, speech, shrine of remembrance, kemsley

Navy blue book with a blue dust jacket, published about the history of Legacy, including photographs of activities and early members. Incudes a newspaper article stuck on the rear flyleafs about singer Dame Gracie Fields.non-fictionhistory, mark lyons, 50th anniversary

The images of the Battle scene are; the Lion Mound, Waterloo, The Three Monuments, French Monument, Farm La Haye Sainte, The Prussian Monument, Hougament farm, The Lion, Farm Papelottre, The Belle Alliance Building.This is a bound booklet of Black and White images of the Battle of Waterloo area. On the photos is the caption in French and English. The front cover is missing. Some of the postcards are detached on the "dotted edge". The first two cards have a letter written in pencil from soldier J. Burns to his mum.On the back of photo 1 & 2 is written the letter from J. Burns to his Mum. Dated Bouffioul - Belgium. 3-3-19. Dear Mum, These are a few views of Waterloo, we went right up to the top of this place. This is where all the dead soldiers were buried, so they built this big mound it. It is a good walk to get to the top. - This is where all the battle was, around these ....... Well Mum I am ok again, this is a little souvenir. I can say I have been on the Fields of Waterloo. Well Mum I received another parcel from........? today and it was good too. I will write a letter later so Good Bye Dear Mum for the present, from your loving son James. On the rear post card, written in pencil is: - No.60893 Pte J Burns, 5th Battalion A.I.F. France.postcards, battle of waterloo

Letter from Margaret Cheevers to Desmond Lindsay referring to his work on the history of the site of the City of Ringwood Bowls Club.Letter from Margaret Cheevers to Desmond Lindsay referring to his work on the history of the site of the City of Ringwood Bowls Club. One page,white paper, printed on Ringwood Council letter head. +Additional Keywords: Cheevers, Margaret (Mayor) / Lindsay, Desmond44 Lyons Rd. North Croydon 3134 27th. June, 1994 City of Ringwood Civic Centre The Mayor Mrs. B. Cheevers Dear Madam, I am pleased to say to you and the Councillors of the City of Ringwood that our family residence on both sides of my family exceeds in excess of one hundred years and it was during a family get together that an interesting anecdote was revealed relating to the land occupied by the Ringwood Bowling Club soon to occupy new premises in Warrandyte Road. The land that became the home of the Bowling Green was given by Thomas Grant, the previous owner was Captain Miles, father of the long standing Councillor the late Temple Miles. The incident I refer to was during World War 1 when Captain Miles an English Loyalist publicly stated he would give a block of land to the widow of the first Ringwood man killed in action. That man was James Brain (refer to Clock Tower Memorial) who married my father’s wife’s sister. Captain Miles made good his offer and the land was the land still occupied by the Ringwood Bowling Club. The land at that time had a small creek running through the centre and the young War Widow suffering grief was advised by another snide councillor (no name) not to accept it, saying it would not be worth it. Ringwoods’ first casualty during World War 1 left a widow and two young sons, all who have passed to their eternal reward. I still do not know if the Council has an historian, but thought it worth telling even if only the Bowling Club were to learn and proud to say my brother Jack had become club Champion on Sacred Soil. Sincerely yours Desmond J Lindsay

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

KEVIN ‘BOOFA’ INNES By Lucy McCormick Kevin was a member of the celebrated Innes clan from Inglewood, in Central Victoria. “I think the first Innes’ came to Inglewood in 1851. My daughter used to say she can’t marry anyone from Inglewood, because she’s related to them all,” says Kevin. ‘Boofa’ is enjoying some well-earned relaxation on the couch after breaking a kneecap six or seven months ago in a track work incident. Not that it seems to be bothering him too much; he’s got plenty of time to keep up with the trots on television. “I do follow them,” Kevin says. “I don’t miss many, and I do have a bet. I like to sit in the chair and drive a race as much as anyone.” With an illustrious career both as a trainer and in the sulky, it’s a safe bet that Kevin Innes is a more than handy ‘grandstand driver’. His name is associated as a trainer/driver with many handy horses, including Lea Sands, Imatoff and Stormy Morn to name a few. Kevin is typically circumspect about his bigger triumphs, however that doesn’t seem to be what interests him the most. “I’ll tell you something,” he declares, doing just that, “I like winning with the horses that were no good. Some people never get a good horse. Imagine that. Luck is a very, very important thing. You have to have luck to buy a good horse at the sales, to get it going, keep it sound, find a race for it, find and owner and get a draw. And they still make a liar of you.” Funny, interesting or quirky stories seem to be of greater interest to Kevin, such as the time he had a strong chance in a standing start race – the favourite in the race being his only worry. “I told the owner it only had a 20-metre handicap – I couldn’t beat it off that,” he remembers. “So I was leading, waiting for the favourite to run past me. Toward the finish, I heard it coming, and it ran straight past all right – minus the driver. He’d fallen out of the cart and I won the race. Just lucky.” The Innes family have always been heavily involved in one sporting pursuit or another – Kevin himself being a champion bike rider of his time. “My Uncle Roy was a good bike rider, so he dared me to have a go. It turned out I was quite good at it as well.” So good, in fact that for many years Kevin was able to make a living from bike riding, riding the ‘board track’ for many years. “We trained hard. Bike riding was very big back then, we’d train and ride three or four times a week.” Kevin’s riding career spanned four Herald Sun Tours, a Warrnambool to Melbourne and a Sydney to Melbourne race, to name a few. “It definitely gets you in – it was long hours,” he muses. “But like anything, horse racing included, you only get back what you put in. We trained hard. I never drank, and I still don’t. I’ve seen that many athletes, great ones too, brought down by alcohol.” Lucky with injury too, Kevin can only remember a sore ankle – as well as the requisite scrapes and abrasions from tumbles on the wooden boards of the velodromes. He still enjoys watching all the big bike races when he can. “You can watch them race all over the world – France, Sweden, Germany. “To be honest I sit up and watch them with my son and we get just as much of a kick looking at the countryside than anything else. It’s so different to when I was racing.” Betting on the bike racing was big in Kevin’s day as well, and some of the bookies Kevin saw betting on the bike racing, he saw at the Showgrounds betting on the trots on a Friday or Saturday night. “Racing was different back then. There would be twelve thousand people at the showgrounds – they don’t have to come anymore, it’s just as easy to watch it on the TV.” Kevin remembers in those days that drivers had to ‘weigh in’ as well – everyone who drove needed to weigh ten stone (just under 65 kilograms). It’s something he remembers fondly. “I know not everyone will.” Kevin won’t be drawn on the subject of favourite drivers, either. “Look. Driving is different now. No disrespect to current drivers, but you had to think a lot more on a three furlong track than they do now on the bigger tracks. You had to drive with brains. And I really believe that good horses make good drivers. The horses are very good these days. Today’s drivers – your Gavin Langs, Chris Alfords – they’re thinkers, and brains will beat brawn every time. The girls are just as good now too. You only have to look at Kerryn Manning.” A garrulous and popular character, Kevin has trained horses for the likes of legendary Richmond player Jack Dyer, and also spent his fair share of time hosting sportsman’s nights, holding his own with the likes of Ron Barassi. On one such night, they had flown in a light aircraft to their destination. During their show, Kevin noticed their pilot, sitting in the front row, laughing appreciatively. There was one problem. He had a beer in his hand, and was consuming it with some enthusiasm. As the night wore on, the pilot became more and more inebriated, and Kevin became more and more disturbed, knowing that this was the same pilot who was to fly them home when they finished. Unbeknownst to Kevin, however, the flight had been cancelled and the pilot hadn’t told anyone, instead deciding to take full advantage of his client’s hospitality. For now, Kevin is happy living in Inglewood with partner Barbara. Son Grant and daughter Carla aren’t far away (both work at the Bendigo Harness track, and Carla has held both a trainer and driver’s licence). His granddaughter, Barclay Sands, was born on the same day of the demise of their star performer, Lea Sands, and may give the biggest hint yet just how important the world of harness racing is to Kevin ‘Boofa’ Innes. Blue with white yolkKevin Innes embroidered on left side chestkevin innes, k innes, bendigo harness racing club, bhrc, bendigo, horses, race colours, trotting, pacing, harness racing